Showing posts with label conflicts of interest. Show all posts
Showing posts with label conflicts of interest. Show all posts

Friday, 3 June 2016

Princess Health and Clinical Practice Guidelines: Still Conflicted After All These Years. Princessiccia

Background: Untrustworthy Clinical Practice Guidelines

Since the 1990s, clinicians have been exhorted to follow clinical practice guidelines (CPGs) to improve their decision-making and patients' outcomes.  When Dr Wally Smith and I started teaching a short course (often at the Society for Medical Decision Making meetings) about changing physician behavior, we naively set out to improve decisions by increasing adherence to such guidelines.  We first thought that physicians' apparent shortcomings in guideline adherence were due to their lack of knowledge of the guidelines and the underlying evidence, and to their human cognitive limitations.

That approach, however, failed to yield ways to improve adherence.  After a while, it occurred to us that there might be other reasons physicians did not follow guidelines, including their lack of trust of the guidelines or the evidence supposedly incorporated within them.  We learned that integrity of  the clinical evidence base has been severely degraded due to the manipulation of clinical studies by those with vested interests, and the outright suppression of trials for which manipulation does not produce the desired results.

Furthermore, as we became less naive, we learned that the integrity of the guideline development process was also suspect, again due to the influence of those with vested interest.  No wonder physicians were suspicious of guidelines, and resisted adhering to them.

In 2011, the prestigious Institute of Medicine released a report on the development of  better standards to produce more trustworthy guidelines (Clinical Practice Guidelines We Can Trust.  Link here.)  We posted about that report here, but noted that it was receiving little other attention, an example of the anechoic effect.  The IOM report cited conflicts of interest (COIs) affecting the guideline development process as a major reason such guidelines might be untrustworthy, and suggested a variety of ways to reduce COIs affecting guidelines.

These included in particular:
- Guideline committee members should disclose their conflicts of interest in detail, and these should appear in the guidelines (Standard 2.1, 2.2)
- The number of conflicted committee members should be minimized, and in no case should be a majority of the committee (2.3, 2.4)
- Funders should have no role in guideline development (2.4)

This week, an original article(1) and editorial(2) in PLoS Medicine discussed how guidelines published since the report was produced addressed conflicts of interest.

Article Summary

Below I summarized the article, but presented results somewhat differently than did the authors.

Design

Campsall et al did a cross-sectional study of clinical practice guidelines that appeared in the US Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) National Guideline Clearinghouse in 2012 from national or international organizations, excluding guidelines produced by organizations restricted to allied health professionals, guidelines produced by corporations, or guidelines that had no specific recommendations.  They obtained information from the guidelines, the organizations' websites, and surveys sent to the organizations.

Study Population

The study population was 290 guidelines produced by 95 organizations. The response rate for the surveys was 68%.  The organizations were primarily professional societies (67%) or disease advocacy groups (21%).

My comment is that therefore this study assessed guidelines mainly produced by non-profit organizations which ostensibly uphold health care professionals' values and/or primarily support patients' interests.

Industry Funding

63% of organizations reported receiving funds from biomedical companies.  (It was not clear whether the remainder denied receiving such funding, or provided no information about funding.)

My comment is that the majority of such ostensibly "do-gooder" organizations are nonetheless at least somewhat supported by commercial firms that market health care products, presumably mainly drugs or devices.

Conflict of Interest Policies

Please note that the authors provided results to emphasize the positive, for example, they provided the proportion of organizations which provided specific types of information about COIs or had particular policies to reduce COIs.  In most cases, I simply did subtractions to emphasize the negative.  Furthermore, the authors further emphasized the positive by choice of denominator, as noted below.

20% of organizations did not provide any information about conflict of interest policies, and 7% asserted the existence of such policies, but did not disclose them.  A majority, 55%, did not have disclosed policies that specifically dealt with with conflicts of interest affecting guidelines.

My comment is thus that a majority of these do-gooder organizations did not apparently even begin to address, at least in terms of clear, transparent written policy, the recommendations of the IOM report on trustworthy guidelines.

Measures to Improve Guidelines Trustworthiness by Decreasing Influence of Conflicts of Interest

The authors provided the number of organizations with disclosed policies that addressed particular issues of concern to the IOM in their report on trustworthy guidelines, but made the proportions of such organizations seem larger by using as a denominator the number of organizations that disclosed their entire policies, rather than the total number of organizations which produced the guidelines.

Therefore, they found that of the 60 (out of 95 total) organizations that fully disclosed their conflict of interest policies:
98% required committee members to disclose conflicts of interest;
90% required review of conflicts of interest before guideline publication; 
68% required that a majority of guideline committee members be free of conflicts of interest;
92% reported publishing committee members' conflicts of interest within guidelines;
78% did not allow direct industry funding of guideline development
82% did not allow industry participation in selection of committee members
67% did not allow industry to review guidelines prior to publication.

That all sound good, but consider what happens when one uses the total sample of organizations in the denominators.

Therefore, the article also found that of all 95 organizations that produced the guidelines of interest:

38% did not require CPG committee members to disclose conflicts of interest
43% did not require review of committee members' conflicts of interest prior to guidelines development
57% did not require that a majority of guideline committee members be free of conflicts
44% did not report publishing committee members' conflicts of interest within guidelines
48% did not report preventing direct industry funding of guidelines
51% did not report preventing industry participation in selection of committee members
61% did not report preventing industry review of guidelines prior to publication.

My comment is that thus the results suggested that substantial numbers of organizations that produced CPGs did not demonstrate that they were committed to measures that would improve guidelines trustworthiness by reducing the influence of conflicts of interest.

Disclosure of Conflicts of Interest Within Guidelines

Again, it was necessary to recalculate some proportions using the full population of guidelines reviewed as the denominator.

Of the 290 guidelines reviewed:
65% "included disclosure statements regarding direct funding and support"
37% specifically disclosed the absence or presence of direct funding from biomedical companies
However,
49% did not disclose committee members' financial relationships
99% did not disclose relevant financial relationships of the organization (that is, institutional conflicts of interest) that produced the guidelines as a whole

My comment is that substantial numbers of published guidelines were not clearly produced so as to increase their trustworthiness by reducing the influence of conflicts of interest on them. 

Did the Guidelines Follow the Organizations' Stated Policies?


The authors commendably provided information about whether the guidelines produced by organizations that disclosed conflict of interest policies followed those polices.  They found:

16% of organizations "that reported that committee member conflicts of interested were published in guidelines" produced guidelines that did not include committee members' COI disclosure

61% of organizations that "reported the majority of committee members must be free of conflicts of interest" produced guidelines by committees with majorities of conflicted members

6% of organizations that "reported that industry partners were not permitted to directly fund clinical practice guideline development" produced guidelines which disclosed such funding.

My comment is that thus even of the organizations that stated they had policies in place to improve the trustworthiness of the guidelines they produced by reducing the influence of conflicts of interest, they allowed guidelines to be produced that did not follow those policies.

Authors' Conclusion

Financial relationships between organizations that produce clinical practice guidelines and the biomedical industry appear to be common. These relationships are important because they may influence, through guideline usage, the practice of large numbers of healthcare providers. We believe that to effectively manage conflicts of interest, organizations that produce clinical practice guidelines need to develop robust conflict of interest policies that include procedures for managing violations of the policy, make the policies publicly available, and disclose all financial relationships with biomedical companies.

Editorialists' Conclusion

The editorial by Bastian(2) was sharper in tone.  It included an observation that reinforced my confession of naivete above:

With hindsight, I think those of us encouraging better methodology for guideline development in the 1990s took the issue of disclosure of financial interests too much for granted. It seemed so self-evident, it got barely a mention even in national policy on guideline development

She also noted that the Campsall study did not address all the ways conflicts of interest can influence guideline development:

Stelfox and colleagues focus particularly on the organizational conflicts of interest of guideline producers and their policies. They examine the financial interests of the organizations, but not of the individuals employed within those organizations. This same blind spot is evident when it comes to policies about committee members; the financial interests of the organizations that individuals represent tend to be disregarded. Yet these can be substantial, including for patients� organizations.
She noted that the failure of guidelines to report their developers' conflicts of interest is a continuing problem.  The rate of failure to report found by Campsall et al was

about the same rate that Taylor and Giles found in 2004 and Norris and colleagues found in 2010.

Finally, she emphasized that we are still a long way from having guidelines that health care professionals and patients can trust:

Guideline processes without adequate financial conflict management have to become unacceptable to a far wider circle. They need to become unacceptable to influential committee members, to the medical journals that lend so many guidelines additional standing and reach, and to the membership of the professional societies that produce them. Until that happens, for guidelines as for clinical research, it�s a case of caveat lector: let the reader beware.

My Summary

So should physicians trust clinical practice guidelines?  At least this article suggests they ought to be very very skeptical of them.  The IOM report meant to improve the trustworthiness of practice guidelines seems to be honored mainly in the breach.  The likelihood that any given guideline was produced so as to reduce the influence of conflicts of interest on it is low.  Even organizations that ostensibly put professional values and patients first in their efforts to develop guidelines seem to often be financially beholden to companies that want to sell drugs and devices.  Physicians and patients ought to be concerned that most new clinical practice guidelines may be as much about marketing commercial products as improving medical practice or patients' outcomes.

The current US presidential race has made it evident that we have a lot of disgruntled citizens, many of whom believe our system is rigged to favor the "establishment."  I suggest that the more we know about clinical practice guidelines, the more it appears that the health care system is rigged to favor certain parts of the "establishment," the big corporations that market drugs and devices, and their paid part-time hands within medical societies and patient advocacy groups who have turned these ostensibly idealistic, do gooder organizations into part-time marketing machines.

The huge and complex web of individual and institutional conflicts of interest that binds much of the health care system, the government, and industry may be good for the insiders, but is stifling improvement in our dysfunctional health care system.  True health care reform would first expose these conflicts, then reduce or better yet, eliminate them, and make health care more about helping patients and less about making money by marketing commercial products.

Musical Interlude

To dispel the darkness a bit, Paul Simon, "Still Crazy After All These Years," 1992 acoustic version:





References

1.  Campsall P et al.  Financial relationships between organizations that produce clinical practice guidelines and the biomedical industry: a cross-sectional study.  PLoS Medicine 2016; DOI;10.1371/journal.pmed.1002029    Link here.

2.  Bastien H. Nondisclosure of financial interest in clinical practice guideline development: an intractable problem? PLoS Medicine 2016;  DOI;10.1371/journal.pmed.1002030  Link here.

Thursday, 26 May 2016

Princess Health and Are You Ready for Some (Political) Football? - the NFL, Concussion Research, the NIH, and the Revolving Door. Princessiccia

Probably because it involved the favorite American sport, the controversy about the risk of concussions to professional National Football League (NFL) players, and how the NFL has handled the issue is very well known.  A recent article in Stat, however, suggested that one less well known aspect of the story overlaps some issues to concern to Health Care Renewal.

Allegations that a Prominent Physician and NFL Official Tried to Influence the NIH Grant Review Process

The article began,

Dr. Elizabeth Nabel, president of Boston�s Brigham and Women�s Hospital [BWH] and one of the nation�s most prominent medical executives, was part of a National Football League effort to 'steer funding' for a landmark concussion study away from a group of respected brain researchers, according to a congressional committee report that was sharply critical of the league.

The report found that the NFL 'inappropriately attempted to influence' the National Institutes of Health�s [NIH] grant selection process.

Dr Nabel, in fact, not only runs the BWH, a renowned teaching hospital and major component of Partners Healthcare, but also serves as the "chief health and medical advisor" to the NFL. Anyone who has followed even a bit of the media coverage about the NFL and concussions affecting football players knows that the NFL could be negatively affected by any more research that associates playing professional football, concussions, and the adverse effects of concussions. 

The Stat article chronicled the intricate communications between Dr Nabel and the NIH as documented by a report from the Democratic staff of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce.

 It cited a series of communications between NFL representatives, including Nabel, and officials of the NIH, and a foundation that accepts gifts from private donors to support NIH research. The discussions began after the NIH decided last year to award a $16 million grant to a research team led by Dr. Robert Stern of Boston University � but before the award was publicly announced.

The money for the grant was to come from a donation pledged by the NFL to the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health, and league officials say they were concerned about aspects of Stern�s group and the proposed study.

Research by Stern�s team and BU colleagues has helped establish a link between football and chronic traumatic encephalopathy, long-term brain damage that�s been observed in a growing number of athletes, including former NFL players, who suffered repeated head injuries.

The implication seems to be that this research group might be counted on to fearlessly pursue research even if the outcomes suggested that playing football might lead to adverse medical effects, which might not be so good for the NFL's interests.  So,

Nabel, who knows the NIH well from her 10 years working as a high-level manager in the agency, sent two emails to Dr. Walter Koroshetz, director of the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke [NINDS], according to the report. That�s the NIH branch that was awarding the grant.

In one email on June 23, 2015, she wrote, 'I am taking a neutral stance here,' while noting a concern about a potential conflict of interest: members of the NIH grant review panel had coauthored papers with two researchers that she had heard might be receiving the grant � Dr. Ann McKee and Dr. Robert Cantu of BU.

Later that day, she wrote Koroshetz that 'a Dr. Stern, who may also be with this group, has filed independent testimony in the NFL/Players Association settlement.'

Indeed, Stern was critical of how the settlement would be administered, pointing out flaws with the neuropsychological tests that the league proposed using to determine how to compensate injured players.


 Notwithstanding that Dr Nabel had an obvious conflict of interest herself: she worked for the NFL.  In any case,  

'I hope this group is able to approach their research in an unbiased manner,' Nabel�s email continued, the report says.

Nabel sent Stern�s testimony to Koroshetz, according to the report.

'My sole objective,' Nabel said in her statement, was to ask her former NIH colleagues to 'ensure there were no conflicts of interest among grant applicants.'

The NIH found no conflicts involving the grant review panel and stuck with its decision to award the grant to the Stern group. It ended up using internal funds, not the NFL money, to pay for the grant.

The NIH told STAT it agrees with the 'characterization of events in the report.'
An Affront to the Sanctity of the Grant Review Process?

Although Dr Nabel and the NFL asserted that they acted appropriately at all times, neither the committee staff nor one very prominent ethicist agreed,

The committee report said that Koroshetz disagreed ..., and said he was aware of no other instance where a donor raised objections to a grantee prior to the issuance of a notice of grant award.'

'The NFL�s characterization of the appropriateness of its actions suggests a lack of understanding of the importance of the NIH�s independent peer review process,' the committee report states.

Nabel�s spokeswoman said Koroshetz never told Nabel her actions were inappropriate. 'In fact, all of their interactions were very collegial and cordial,' she said.

I will interject that the question was not whether Dr Nabel was hostile or bullying, but was whether she tried to inappropriately influence the grant review process.  So also,

Arthur Caplan, a professor of bioethics at New York University, said Nabel�s actions, as described in the report, risk harming Nabel�s reputation and that of the Brigham. 'When she did anything to try to shape the selection of investigators or challenge the objectivity' of the grant selection process, he said, 'she had to know that that was 100 percent inappropriate, 100 percent unacceptable.'

Having served on numerous NIH and Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) review committees (known as "study sections"),  let me add some context at this point.  Study section members must meet rigorous standards for freedom from conflicts of interest.  They also fiercely guard their independence.  The grant reviews they construct are supposed to be entirely about the scientific, clinical and public health merit of the proposals, and the scores they give proposals are the most important determinants of whether it gets funding.  Funding decisions are actually made by agency staff and advisory boards, but are supposed to depend only on the reviews and the general priority of the proposals' topics.  Nobody - I repeat, nobody - outside of this process is supposed to influence the funding decisions.

So the notion that big wigs from big outside organizations with vested interests in how a particular research project might turn out were communicating with top NIH officials about grant proposals, and that the officials allowed them to continue to communicate, and allowed even the chance they would be influenced by their communication strikes this old reviewer, to quote Dr Caplan, as "100 inappropriate, 100 percent unacceptable."

Did the Revolving Door Enable the Attempt to Influence NIH Grant Review?

Not directly discussed in the Stat article, however, was why Dr Koroshetz, director of NINDS, was willing to accept, if not agree with Dr Nabel's communications.  The article did note that Dr Nabel was a former "high-level manager" at the NIH.  In fact, according to her official Brigham and Womens' Hospital biography, Dr Nabel was director of the US National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute from 2005-2009.  She became CEO of the BWH in 2010.  Thus, she was a former top NIH leader who once held a rank commensurate with that held by Dr Koroshetz.

But wait, there is more.  Also according to her official BWH biography, Dr Nabel's husband is one  Gary Nabel, now the chief scientific officer at Sanofi.  Dr Gary Nabel, in turn, was Director of the Vaccine Research Center at the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), another NIH institute, through 2012, but then according to Science, became chief scientific officer at Sanofi. So Dr Nabel's husband was also a high-ranking NIH leader, although apparently not as high-ranking as his spouse and the NINDS director with whom she communicated. 

Thus it appears that maybe Dr Nabel had outsized influence at the NIH and on the NINDS director because she was a former NHLBI director, and the spouse of a former high-ranking NIAID leader.  Her attempts to influence the NIH grant application process therefore appear to be a possible manifestation, albeit delayed, and partially at one spousal remove, of the revolving door pheonomenon.

We have noted that the revolving door is a species of conflict of interest. Worse, some experts have suggested that the revolving door is in fact corruption.  As we noted here, the experts from the distinguished European anti-corruption group U4 wrote,

The literature makes clear that the revolving door process is a source of valuable political connections for private firms. But it generates corruption risks and has strong distortionary effects on the economy, especially when this power is concentrated within a few firms.
  This case suggests how the revolving door may enable certain of those with private vested interests to have excess influence, way beyond that of ordinary citizens, on how the government works.

Worse, this case also suggests how it seems that the country is increasingly run by a cozy group of insiders with ties to both government and industry.  In fact, just a little more digging reveals that a key player in this case has even more ties to big private health care organizations.  According to ProPublica, in the last three months of 2014, Dr Elizabeth Nabel received $26,070 from Medtronic, mainly for food, travel and lodging, but which included $8572 for "promotional speaking/ other."  In 2015, she was appointed to the board of directors of Medtronic, despite not having previously owned any Medtronic stock, according to the company's 2015 proxy statement.  Also in 2015, she was appointed to the board of directors of Moderna Therapeutics.    Her husband, as noted above, now works as chief scientific officer for Sanofi.

So, as we have said before.... The continuing egregiousness of the revolving door in health care shows how health care leadership can play mutually beneficial games, regardless of the their effects on patients' and the public's health.  Once again, true health care reform would cut the ties between government and corporate leaders and their cronies that have lead to government of, for and by corporate executives rather than the people at large.

Video addendum: the beginning of "League of Denial" from PBS Frontline



ADDENDUM (29 May, 2016) - This post was republished on the Naked Capitalism blog.

Sunday, 15 May 2016

Princess Health and New Jersey Confidential: the Almost Secret Membership of the RWJ Barnabas Health Board. Princessiccia

Princess Health and New Jersey Confidential: the Almost Secret Membership of the RWJ Barnabas Health Board. Princessiccia

A Hospital System Tries to Hide its Board of Trustees

The US Internal Revenue Service mandates disclosure of the membership of boards of trustees of non-profit corporations.  Nonetheless, as reported by New Brunswick (NJ) Today, the leadership of the newly formed RWJ Barnabas Health system has been doing their best to keep the membership of its board of trustees secret.

The new organization created to function as the state's largest hospital chain is refusing to tell the public who serves on their Board of Trustees,...

To elaborate,

The two hospital networks officially combined to form a new conglomerate, the state's second largest employer, in a deal that was finalized on March 31.

But since then, the new group has refused to identify its board members, after stalling for nearly two weeks.

'Thank you very much for your interest. It is a policy at RWJBarnabas Health not to share the names of the Board of Trustees" read a peculiar April 12 email response from an anonymous address affiliated with Barnabas, B4@barnabashealth.org.

The anonymous email address has not responded to follow up inquiries from this newspaper, including one urging them to make the 'smart choice' and 'be transparent.'

This goes against at least the spirit of the law.

'If the organization has been recognized by the IRS as tax-exempt under one of the subsections under 501(c), there are a number of documents that organizations must make available that would include board lists,' said the leader of the Center for Non-profits.

The initial application, and the three most recent annual filings, must be made available for inspection or copying by members of the public at their place of business, according to the IRS.

In general, any organization that files a Form 990... must make its three most recent Form 990's and its Form 1023 available for public inspection without charge at its principal place of business,' reads the Center's website.

'All parts of the return, schedules and attachments must be made available during regular business hours at the organization's principal office and at any regional offices having 3 or more employees.

There is an exception to the requirement if a non-profit chooses to make the documents widely available by posting them on the internet.

The anonymous email address that cited the policy of having a secret board, and the media contacts listed on the press release announcing the merger between RWJ and Barnabas, have not responded to questions about whether their healthcare organization is in compliance with the IRS rules regarding making the forms available to the public.
This obviously also is a remarkable rebuff to those in health care who advocate maximum transparency.

A Futile Attempt at Secrecy

Some good investigative reporting by New Brunswick Today penetrated the flimsy veil set up by hospital system leadership. The system chairman turns out to be one Jack Morris:

Documents provided by the NJ Department of Treasury show that controversial developer Jack Morris was made the Chairman of the RWJ Barnabas board.

Morris is a close friend and ally of former State Senate President and convicted felon John Lynch, Jr., who ruled New Brunswick as Mayor from 1978-1990, and some contend still is a key player in statewide politics.

Morris had previously served as Chairman of the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital (RWJUH) Board of Directors. Morris is also tied to Cooper Hospital Chairman George Norcross, the state's most notorious unelected political boss.

The vice-chairman is actually Marc Benson.

another real estate mogul was named the RWJ Barnabas board's Vice Chair, according to the documents, which were filed with the State Treasurer in November 2015, nearly half a year before the merger was finalized.

Marc Berson founded the Millburn-based 'Fidelco Group' in 1981, a 'private investment owner-developer of residential, commercial, retail, and industrial properties in New York, New Jersey, Florida and Ohio,' according to a press release announcing his election as Chairman of the Barnabas Health Systems board in 2014.

As for the rest of the board, they are,

The other 18 secret board members are:

Robert L. Barchi, (Rutgers University, New Brunswick)
 James C. Salwitz, MD (Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital, New Brunswick)
Murdo Gordon (Bristol-Myers-Squibb, Princeton)
Susan Reinhard (AARP Public Policy Institute, Washington, DC)
Nicholas J. Valerani (West Health Institute, La Jolla, CA)
John A. Hoffman (Wilentz, Goldman, & Spitzer, Woodbridge)
Alan E. Davis, Greenbaum (Rowe, Smith & Davis LLP)
Robert E. Margulies, Esq. (Margulies Wind, Jersey City)
Kenneth A. Rosen (Lowenstein Sandler PC, Roseland)
 Lester J. Owens (J.P. Morgan Chase, New York, NY)
James Vaccaro (Manasquan Savings Bank, Wall)
Albert R. Gamper, Jr. (Caliber Home Loans, Inc., Far Hills)
Anne Evans-Estabrook (Elberon Development Corporation)
Gary Lotano (Lotano Development, Inc., Toms River)
Steve B. Kalafer (Flemington Car and Truck Country, Flemington)
Brian P. Leddy (former Chairman of RWJUH Rahway, Cranford)
Joseph Mauriello (formerly of KPMG, Chester)
Richard J. Kogan (formerly of Schering-Plough Products, Inc., Short Hills)
Why the Futile Effort to Make Board Membership Secret?

It is certainly striking that a big non-profit hospital system would try to conceal the membership of its board of trustees.  One might think the leadership should be proud of the board members, and the board members would be happy to advertise their community service.

This did not seem to be the case here.  Once more we see how the new overlords of health care reflexively seem to choose secrecy over transparency, deliberately creating the anechoic effect which we have frequently discussed.

Perhaps the board wanted to avoid undue attention to the political connections of its new chairman, one of which  was to a"convicted felon," and another of which was to Mr Norcross, whose apparent conflicts of interest in his role in the governance of a former UMDNJ hospital were discussed here. Parenthetically, an article in NJ.com on the merger noted that this new hospital system is a descendant of the now dissolved University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, UMDNJ (look here), an organization whose extensive troubles kept Health Care Renewal very busy in past years.

Perusing the list of the members of the board reveals two people with pharmaceutical connections that could be conflicts of interest, a few people with health care affiliations, but no obvious affinity for the patients and public in New Jersey whom the new hospital system is supposed to serve, and many lawyers and business people with no obvious affinity for the values of health care professionals.

However, as summarized by the National Council for Nonprofits,

the board of directors have three primary legal duties known as the 'duty of care,' 'duty of loyalty,' and 'duty of obedience.'

...

In sum, these legal duties require that nonprofit board members:

Take care of the nonprofit by ensuring prudent use of all assets, including facility, people, and good will; and provide oversight for all activities that advance the nonprofit�s effectiveness and sustainability. (legal 'Duty of due care')

Make decisions in the best interest of the nonprofit corporation; not in his or her self-interest. (legal Duty of loyalty')

Ensure that the nonprofit obeys applicable laws and acts in accordance with ethical practices; that the nonprofit adheres to its stated corporate purposes, and that its activities advance its mission. (legal 'Duty of obedience')

So it is not obvious that these board members are particularly familiar with the nuances of the mission of a large academic hospital system, which includes delivering excellent patient care that puts individual patients first, particularly ahead of board members' self interest, and of its academic role, seeking and disseminating the truth.  One wonders what sort of governance this sort of board will provide.  Maybe the hospital leadership wanted to forestall such questions by keeping board membership as obscure as possible.

Speaking of the anechoic effect, while the new RWJ Barnabas Health system will be a very major player in NJ health care, and while trying to keep the board members of a non-profit health care system is rather a remarkable action, so far, only one local newspaper, and now your humble blogger seem interested.  This is yet another example of the anechoic effect.

Comments

We have been writing now for a long time about the tremendous and growing dysfunction of US health care.  Some now obvious reasons for its problems are poor leadership of ever larger and more powerful health care organizations, and failure of existing governance bidues to exercise stewardship over these organizations.  We have discussed numerous previous problems with boards of trustees of non-profit health care organizations here.  We have noted that board member may have conflicts of interest, and are often rich business executives who may be more interested in preserving the power and wealth of their fellow executives, including those generic managers who know often run large health care organizations, than defending vulnerable patients.  These problems are compounded by the anechoic effect: information and opinions which might offend those currently in power and who stand to benefit most from the current system is kept very quiet, treated as a taboo subject, that is, made to have no echoes.  This new case again suggests that these problems are not going away.

How many times must we say this?....   True US health care reform would vastly increase transparency, not just of prices, but of leadership and governance.  True US health care reform would put the operation of US health care organizations more in the hands of people who have knowledge and experience in health care, and are willing to be transparent and accountable to support health care professionals' values.  Furthermore, oversight and stewardship of these organizations should represent the patients and public which the organizations are supposed to serve. 


Thursday, 31 March 2016

Princess Health and What You See Is Not What You Get - Purdue Pharma Executives Pleaded Guilty, but the Oxycontin Billionaires Went Unnoticed. Princessiccia

What you see if often not what you get.  

Nine years ago, three top executives of Purdue Pharma pleaded guilty to criminal charges of "misbranding" Oxycontin.  The case appeared to be a landmark.  In previous years, top executives of large health care corporations rarely faced legal consequences when their companies misbehaved.  Yet in the Purdue Pharma/ Oxycontin case, things were not what they seemed.  Maybe that is why this case never did yield a new era of accountability for top corporate health care leaders.

Background - the Oxycontin Guilty Pleas

In 2007, we posted about the executives' guilty pleas.  Relying on the New York Times coverage, we noted that the Department of Justice charged that the company used aggressive, deceptive marketing, including claims that Oxycontin had little potential for addiction, even though they then knew otherwise.  Unlike many other settlements, the executives and the company admitted their dishonesty, although they were not apparently charged with fraud.

In a statement, the company said: 'Nearly six years and longer ago, some employees made, or told other employees to make, certain statements about OxyContin to some health care professionals that were inconsistent with the F.D.A.-approved prescribing information for OxyContin and the express warnings it contained about risks associated with the medicine. The statements also violated written company policies requiring adherence to the prescribing information.'

'We accept responsibility for those past misstatements and regret that they were made,' the statement said.
While no executives went to jail, the three who pleaded guilty,

Michael Friedman, the company�s president, who agreed to pay $19 million in fines; Howard R. Udell, its top lawyer, who agreed to pay $8 million; and Dr. Paul D. Goldenheim, its former medical director, who agreed to pay $7.5 million.

appeared to be the top leaders of the company.  So, at the time I concluded,
At least in the Purdue Pharma/ Oxycontin case top company leaders were prosecuted, pleaded guilty, and will personally have to pay substantial financial penalties. Maybe this will convince the leaders of health care organizations that deceptive marketing practices may not be in their long term interests. Up to now, it may have been too easy to be swayed by the enormous profits deceptive marketing can bring, and regard fines paid by the company as just a cost of doing business.
No Lasting Effects

I was much too optimistic.  Alas, we have since documented numerous legal settlements, and other cases of at least alleged bribery, kickbacks, or fraud, in which the top organizational leaders who authorized or directed the questionable conduct never suffered any consequences for their actions.  That is, they demonstrated impunity.

Meanwhile, Purdue Pharma has been in the news since 2007, and not in a good way.  In particular, we noted that the company seemed to keep up manipulative, if not deceptive marketing efforts on behalf of its narcotic product.  In 2010, Canadian medical students protested that their "education" about narcotics and pain management was influenced by Purdue marketing (look here).   In 2012, we noted that a leading "key opinion leader" who had a key role promoting the liberalized, if not reckless use of narcotics to treat all sorts of chronic pain, and had financial relationships with numerous narcotic pharmaceutical manufacturers, including Purdue Phrama, later admitted that it was all "misinformation."  Yet this aggressive promotion of narcotics was likely a major factor in the ongoing narcotic epidemic which has killed thousands in the US.  And in January, 2016 we described how opposition to new CDC guidelines that suggested much more conservative use of narcotics seemed to be funded, if not orchestrated by narcotic pharmaceutical manufacturers, notably including Purdue Pharma.  Finally, there have been many other stories about Purdue Pharma about which we failed to post.

One would think, however, that a company that admitted to a crime, and whose three top executives lost their jobs and also pleaded guilty to crimes, would at least change its ways, even if these guilty pleas and admissions did not inspire more attempts to hold top corporate health care leaders accountable.

An Assumption about Unaccountable Hired Mangers

But it turns out that some obvious assumptions that I and probably many other people made about the Purdue Pharma cases of 2007 were wrong.  I implicitly assumed when I wrote my 2007 post that the three Purdue Pharma executives who pleaded guilty were the top leaders of the company.

Furthermore, as we have discussed elsewhere, the top executives of large, for-profit publicly held corporations, like most pharmaceutical companies, have become largely unaccountable.  They may seem to exist in a bubble, in which they are hailed as visionaries, and paid exceedingly well no matter how their organizations perform.  (Look here).  However, many top hired corporate managers have mainly become "value extractors."

These executives are nominally accountable to their corporate boards of directors, which are supposed to represent the owners of the companies.  However, most large pharmaceutical companies have numerous stockholders, who have no easy avenue to organize.  Many of their stockholders, in turn, are mutual funds, retirement funds, etc whose shares in turn are owned by thousands more.  These numerous, dispersed "owners" have little influence on corporate boards, who often functionally are dominated by cronies of the top management.

So when the three top Purdue executives pleaded guilty, at least it looked like in this case the unaccountable hired executives had been made accountable, if not to their boards of directors, at least to the courts.

But Who Owned Purdue?

But what you see is not always what you get.  There was a hint buried in the NY Times article,

Between 1995 and 2001, OxyContin brought in $2.8 billion in revenue for Purdue Pharma, a closely held company based in Stamford, Conn. At one point, the drug accounted for 90 percent of the company�s sales.

As part of the plea agreement, Purdue Frederick, a holding company for Purdue Pharma that is also closely held, pleaded guilty to a felony charge of misbranding OxyContin.

The article did not further discuss the meaning and implications of the twice used phrase, "closely held."  I confess I missed it entirely.  However, it seems to have meant that rather than being a public corporation with numerous, dispersed stockholders, the owners of Purdue Pharma and its parent were a smaller group, perhaps a group who should have been accountable for the actions of their executives.  However, the NY Times did not further describe this group.  Neither did reports in other outlets, such as the Wall Street Journal, CBS, or Time. Nor did a variety of other news stories that mentioned Purdue Pharma through 2010.

The Oxycontin Billionaires

There were a fewother clues available in 2007, but would have not been easily found at that time.  After the case's resolution was disclosed, an article appeared in the Corporate Crime Reporter (but was presumably only available at that time by subscription.)

Purdue is a privately held, very secretive company based in Stamford, Connecticut.

It�s controlled by the Arthur Sackler family. Arthur Sackler is the guy who, before he delivered OxyContin, brought to you the marketing for Librium and Valium. Walk on the mall in Washington and you walk by the Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur Sackler Gallery.

Art brought to you by Oxy.

New York Times correspondent Barry Meier is probably the most plugged in journalist on the topic. A couple of years ago, he wrote a book detailing the problem titled Pain Killer: A 'Wonder' Drug�s Trail of Addiction and Death (Rodale Books, 2004.)

So apparently Purdue Pharma and Purdue Frederick were privately held, the Sackler family held a controlling interest, and the Sackler family were rich enough to have their name attached to an art museum.

The relationship between the Sackler family and Purdue got no other attention I could find until 2010.  In March of that year, another member of the family, Dr Mortimer D Sackler died, and his NY Times obituary led off with evidence of his wealth, and philanthropy,

Mortimer D. Sackler, a psychiatrist who was a co-owner of the pharmaceutical company Purdue Pharma, makers of the controversial painkiller OxyContin, and whose lavish gifts to the Guggenheim Museum, the Metropolitan Museum of Art and Columbia University made him one of New York City�s most prominent benefactors, died March 24 in Gstaad, Switzerland. He was 93 and had homes in London, Gstaad and Antibes, France.

The obituary also provided evidence of a direct relationship among the Sacklers, Purdue, and the development of Oxycontin.

The Sackler brothers were all doctors, and all businessmen as well. In 1952, while the three were working at the Creedmoor state psychiatric hospital, Arthur financed the purchase of a small drug manufacturer based in Greenwich Village, the Purdue Frederick Company, which Mortimer and Raymond Sackler ran as co-chairmen and which later became Purdue Pharma, now based in Stamford, Conn.

Then,

by the mid-1990s Purdue Pharma was still a small drug company. But with a new product, OxyContin, a powerful, long-acting, narcotic painkiller, the company hoped to join the ranks of industry giants. Indeed, by 2001 sales of the drug had reached nearly $3 billion and accounted for 80 percent of Purdue Pharma�s revenue.

An obituary in the London Telegraph quantitated the wealth that the Sacklers obtained from Purdue a bit more,

The lavish scale of Sackler's generosity was indicated in The Sunday Times's "Rich List" for 2008, which noted that while he and his family owned a �500 million stake in the pharmaceutical business, Purdue Pharma, huge charitable contributions had cut their wealth to �300 million. Yet few knew much about the Sacklers apart from their association with the cultural institutions that bear their name.

However, I could find no echos of this story beyond these obituaries, and certainly none that prominently made their way into the health care world.  In late 2011, about ten percent of a long piece by Fortune on Purdue made the Sackler's ownership and wealth clear, but did not discuss the implications.

The story only began to echo a little in 2014.  That year, the prospect of a trial of a civil lawsuit against Purdue filed in the state of Kentucky, one of the most hard hit by the narcotic epidemic, promised to shake things up.  A long Bloomberg story on the lawsuit was the first to suggest that the very wealthy Sackler family might bear some responsibility for how Purdue marketed Oxycontin, and the results on patients' and the public's health. 

Kentucky lawyers plan another first for Purdue: They want to elicit testimony from the company�s board, which is dominated by members of the Sackler family, the wealthy philanthropists who own the company and have until now remained largely untouched by the controversy tied to the blockbuster drug that netted their business billions of dollars.

It underlined the tightness of the ties between the Sackler's and Purdue. The family does not merely own a controlling interest, but dominates the company's governance.

Purdue today is owned through holding companies and family trusts for the benefit of Mortimer and Raymond Sackler�s families, according to Raul Damas, a company spokesman. In all, nine members of the Sackler family are Purdue directors. In January, Raymond Sackler announced the appointment of Chief Executive Officer Mark Timney. None of the Sacklers has been named in the Kentucky suit.

Raymond, who remains on the board, and his children have been the most involved in the family business. His son, Richard, a physician, worked at Purdue for three decades before being named president in 1999. Now retired, he remains a director. A grandson, David Sackler, sits on the board and runs a family investment fund, Summer Road LLC, in New York. Raymond�s other son, Jonathan, is a director, too.

By the way, the Bloomberg article also detailed another point (which had been mentioned in the obituaries and the CNN article). One member of the Sackler family was behind the aggressive, deceptive marketing campaign that sparked so many sales of Oxycontin. In fact, this Sackler brother could be viewed as the father of modern aggressive, deceptive pharmaceutical/ biotechnology/ device corporate marketing.

Raymond and Mortimer ran the company together. Arthur, the oldest, appears to have been primarily an investor and adviser.

Considered the father of modern pharmaceutical marketing, Arthur Sackler created the first medical-journal advertising insert to promote a drug and pushed for hiring sales reps long before they became as common in physicians� waiting rooms as out-of-date magazines. Purdue used many of Arthur Sackler�s tactics when it introduced OxyContin, a time-released dose of the opioid oxycodone, in 1995.

CNN had gone into a bit more detail on Arthur Sackler's previous work:

Arthur, joined a small advertising agency that specialized in marketing pharmaceuticals. (He also funded his brothers� purchase of Purdue, according to a 2003 book by New York Times reporter Barry Meier called Pain Killer: A Wonder Drug�s Trail of Addiction and Death.) Arthur was so successful that in 1997 he was one of the first people named to the Medical Advertising Hall of Fame, whose website credits him with helping 'shape pharmaceutical promotion as we know it today.' As early as the 1950s he was experimenting with TV marketing, and according to the entry, Arthur�s scientific knowledge and ability to expand the uses for Valium helped turn it into the first $100 million drug ever. Arthur�s philosophy was to sell drugs by lavishing doctors with fancy junkets, expensive dinners, and lucrative speaking fees, an approach so effective that the entire industry adopted it.

So at least this article credits Dr Arthur Sackler, of Purdue Pharma, with being one of the creators of the web of conflicts of interest that has ensnared many medical professionals in the last decades.  Who knew?

Just to ice this cake, in later 2015, it became apparent that the Sacklers did not merely become wealthy from Purdue profits and Oxycontin sales. They became fabulously wealthy. Forbes listed the Sackler family that year as one of the 20 richest US families, estimating their combined wealth as $14 billion.

The Sackler family, which owns Stamford, Conn.-based Purdue Pharma, flew under the radar when Forbes launched its initial list of wealthiest families in July 2014, but this year they crack the top-20, edging out storied families like the Busches, Mellons and Rockefellers.

How did the Sacklers build the 16th-largest fortune in the country? The short answer: making the most popular and controversial opioid of the 21st century � OxyContin.

Purdue, 100% owned by the Sacklers, has generated estimated sales of more than $35 billion since releasing its time-released, supposedly addiction-proof version of the painkiller oxycodone back in 1995. Its annual revenues are about $3 billion, still mostly from OxyContin. The Sacklers also own separate drug companies that sell to Asia, Latin America, Canada and Europe, together generating similar total sales as Purdue�s operation in the United States.

Forbes estimates that the combined value of the drug operations, as well as accumulated dividends over the years, puts the Sackler family�s net worth at a conservative $14 billion.

Perhaps if the Kentucky lawsuit had gone to trial, these echos would have gotten even louder.

However, in December, 2015, Purdue settled the suit for $24 million, admitting no liability, and keeping the Sackler name out of the limited press coverage (although see this in STAT by Ed Silverman.)

I, for one, only found out about the Sackler / Purdue linkage when STAT published a followup in March, 2015.  It turns out that in the run up to the Kentucky trial, a member of the Sackler family was actually deposed.  This may have been the only direct discussion of the Oxycontin case by a member of the family.

The settlement required the attorney general to 'completely destroy' or return to Purdue all documents it received from the company or from any other party through a subpoena. The attorney general was given 60 days from the Dec. 18 agreement to comply. The agreement also prohibits the attorney general from sharing the documents with any other entity investigating or litigating against Purdue.

The attorney general�s office destroyed millions of pages of documents within the 60-day period, according to spokesman Terry Sebastian.

While the attorney general destroyed the records in its possession, copies of some of those records remain under seal in the Pike County courthouse, including the Sackler deposition.

The STAT article noted that millions of pages of records from other Oxycontin litigation were destroyed or returned to the company as stipulated by previous settlements. This time,

STAT is making a motion to intervene in the settled Kentucky lawsuit. The motion was sent to the Pike Circuit Court Monday via overnight courier.

The motion argues that STAT and the public have a constitutional right to the records that trumps Purdue�s interest in keeping them secret. The motion also states there is a substantial public interest in the case, citing the epidemic of drug addiction and related crime stemming from the abuse of OxyContin in Kentucky and other states. STAT is requesting the court make the documents available immediately.

We will see how this attempt to shine a little light on the long running Oxycontin story goes. I am not optimistic, since this long-running case has vividly shown how those who have the biggest vested interests in keeping our commercialized, overutilizing, over-marketed health care system going can use money and influence to keep it all so anechoic.

Summary

So now we see, dimly, reasons why the penalties handed out to "top" Purdue Pharma executives for the deceptive "misbranding" of a dangerous narcotic failed to end the impunity of top health care leaders.  Those supposed "top men" were not really the top.

Just like in "Raiders of the Lost Ark,"




They were hired managers with fancy titles who worked for a secretive family which owned Purdue Pharma, which was apparently directly involved in the engineering of the aggressive, deceptive, "misbranding" sales campaign which sold so much Oxycontin, which became fabulously wealthy from the ownership of the company, and which managed to conceal their relationship to the company from nearly all prying eyes.  So far, the family seems to either have befuddled or intimidated law enforcement sufficiently to prevent any direct consequences from befalling them.

This case vividly demonstrates, first, how those who have personally gained the most from our current dysfunctional health care system have often brilliantly covered up what they were doing (part of what we have called the anechoic effect).  As long as we do not know where the money goes, and how it is made, we do not know what needs to be done to make things better.  True health care reform requires bright sunlight to be shown on how the health care sausage is made, who makes it, and how they profit from it.  As long as we the people let ourselves stay in the dark, we will continue to endure our woefully overpriced, inaccessible, mediocre quality, and all too often frankly corrupt health care system.  

A piece this long and heavy deserves a musical interlude. Here is a live performance by the Dramatics of "What You See Is What You Get," (if only that were the case here).





 

Friday, 25 March 2016

Princess Health and Will There Ever Be Enough Straws to Break Corporate Health Care Managers' Impunity's Back? - Novartis Settles Yet Again, This Time for Bribing Doctors. Princessiccia

Umpteenth verse, same as the first...

As just reported by Bloomberg,

Novartis AG said it agreed to pay $25 million to settle a U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission case that claimed the Swiss drugmaker paid bribes to health professionals in China to increase sales from 2009 to 2013.

In particular,

The SEC detailed a number of Foreign Corrupt Practices Act violations where Novartis employees provided items of value to health-care professionals in China, under the supervision of complicit managers. It also cited examples of how the company improperly recorded as legitimate expenses payments employees made for travel and entertainment, conferences, lecture fees, marketing events, educational seminars and medical studies.

For some vivid examples,

In one example cited in the SEC order on Novartis, a sales representative at the drugmaker�s Sandoz China subsidiary submitted a $1,154 receipt to buy holiday gifts for 25 health-care professionals, which was instead used to pay for their spa and sauna sessions. A regional sales manager approved the purchase, the SEC said.

The SEC order also cited how Sandoz China sponsored 20 health-care professionals to attend a 2009 medical conference in Chicago. During the trip, the company paid for the group�s recreational activities such as a Niagara Falls excursions, $150 in 'walking around' money for their spouses, and cover charges to a strip club. The group was accompanied by a Sandoz China senior manager and other staff, according to the SEC.

So, thus far, the allegations were that Novaris bribed Chinese physicians to use their products, and the bribes includes gifts, travel money, and admission to a strip club.  It is likely that these bribes induced the physicians to unnecessarily or excssively prescribe Sandoz drugs to patients, leading to excess expenses, overtreatment, and quite likely adverse effects that should have been prevented.

As per the Wall Street Journal, and as usually happens in such cases, Novartis was allowed to settle without "admitting or denying the findigs." In the Bloomberg article, a Novartis spokesperson gave the usual vague response,

'The issues raised by the SEC, which relate to our subsidiaries in China and go back as far as 2009, largely pre-date many of the compliance-related measures introduced by Novartis across its global organization in recent years,' Novartis spokesman Eric Althoff said in an e-mailed statement Thursday.

The implication was that the company no longer does these bad things, but did not include a promise not to do them. And, of course, just like in many, many other health care cases, and in many, many other cases involving big, powerful, or influential organizations, no one at a top management level went to jail, or even suffered any negative consequences, even for such sleazy allegations as those in this case.  Finally, partially because the amount of this settlement was so small related to the financial bulk of the company involved, this case was relatively anechoic, only reported in the small items in the business press.

Summary

As we are distracted by bloviating billionaires and other spectacles on the US 2016 campaign trail, we continue to accumulate evidence of the corruption of large health care organizations and the impunity of their leaders.  Yet this evidence remains anechoic, even given the apparent recidivism involved.  For example, it was only in last November that we discussed what were then the latest misadventures by Novartis and its leadership.  At that time, our post included these section headings covering 2014-15:

-  Japanese Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry Found that Novartis Concealed Serious Adverse Effects
- Novartis Executive Pleads Guilty to Bribing Polish Official
- Novartis Subsidiary Sandoz Settles Allegations that it Misrepresented Pricing Data to US Medicaid
- Express Scripts Settles Allegations that it Accepted Kickbacks from Novartis
- Novartis Settles US Allegations of Kickbacks to Enhance Sales of Multiple Drugs

Furthermore, in that post we also documented Novartis' previous record.   In March, 2014, we had noted:
- Italian authorities had fined Novartis and Roche for colluding to promote the use of an expensive opthamologic treatment
- the NY Times published interviews with physicians ostensibly showing how Novartis turned them into marketers for the drug Starlix
- Japanese investigators charged Novartis with manipulating clinical research
- Indian regulators canceled a Novartis import license, charging the company with fraud.

Also,  in 2013, Novartis was fined for anti-competitive practices in its marketing of Fentanyl by the European Commission (look here), and in 2011 its Sandoz subsidiary settled allegations of misreporting prices in the US for $150 million (look here)   Other Novartis misadventures from 2010 and earlier appear here.  So Novartis has quite an impressive, if not infamous record of ethical failures.

Yet no Novartis top manager suffered any negative consequences then (although one apparent mid-level company manager at the Polish subsidiary did plead guilty), and all these previous episodes apparently did not suggest a pattern of recidivism to US authorities this time sufficient to attempt to impose any negative consequences on higher level managers.  Meanwhile, Novartis executives continue to be paid handsomely.  The 2015 Novartis executive compensation report listed over 51 million Swiss francs paid

Also, this goes on while large health care companies continue to pay out dizzying amounts to physicians, health care professionals, hospitals and academic institutions, which partially may secure their loyalty.  Novartis, for example, which ProPublica lists as only the 28th biggest payer to physicians, paid out $31.7  million in 2013-14 just to US physicians.    The 2015 Novartis board of directors included Dr Nancy C Andrews, the Dean of the Duke Medical School and Vice-Chancellor for Academic Affairs at Duke University,  Dr Dimitri Azar, Dean of the College of Medicine at the University of Chicago, Illinois, and Dr Charles L Sawyers, a professor and department chair at Weill-Cornell Medical School.   I am unaware that anyone of them have publicly raised any concerns about Novartis' recent misadventures, although I am also unaware whether anyone has publicly asked them such questions. 

No wonder that ordinary US (and other countries' citizens) feel that they are trapped in a hopeless economic situation by rigged systems designed to benefit from the corrupt insiders.  No wonder that someone of them are seeking the protection of some of those powerful insiders.  But I digress...

In terms of health care, as we have said like a broken record (if anyone remembers what that means), or, if you prefer, where every verse is same as the first...

There seems to be increasing recognition that the continuing rise in US health care costs is unsustainable, and that these costs are not buying us good health care.  There are calls to avoid unnecessary, and sometimes harmful care.  Yet there is a persistent disconnect between how continuing dishonest behavior by health care organizations, impunity of their leaders, and lack of accountability by their board members fuel rising costs, shrinking access, and bad outcomes for patients.

To truly reform health care, we will have to at least recognize the causes of the current dysfunction.  Recognizing how health care dysfunction is created by unaccountable, dishonest leadership should lead to true reform that would promote well-informed, honest, accountable leadership that puts patients' and the public's health ahead of personal gain.

Our musical interlude ("second verse, same as the first,") Herman's Hermits, Henry VIII



Thursday, 11 February 2016

Princess Health and Bio-Tech U, Version 2 - Current Board Member of Four Biotechnology Companies, Fomer Pfizer Director, Former Genentech Executive to be President of Stanford. Princessiccia

Princess Health and Bio-Tech U, Version 2 - Current Board Member of Four Biotechnology Companies, Fomer Pfizer Director, Former Genentech Executive to be President of Stanford. Princessiccia

Stanford University will soon have a new president.  According to the New York Times,

Stanford University�s incoming president, Marc Tessier-Lavigne, has developed a career that successfully melds science, business and academia.

Although he is now coming off a stint as president of Rockefeller University in New York starting in 2011,  his business connections are extensive.

A Genentech Executive

The NYT noted,

He may be best known, though, for his work at Genentech. As the No. 2 executive in research, he oversaw 1,400 scientists in one of the most innovative and successful companies in the biotech industry, known for the groundbreaking cancer drugs Avastin, Rituxan and Herceptin.

To expand that, his brief CV on the Rockefeller University website included,

1991 - 2001  increasingly senior faculty positions at UCSF
2001 - 2003  professor at Stanford

2003 - 2008  senior vice president, research drug discovery, Genentech Inc

2008 - 2009  exectuive vice president, research drug discovery, Genentech

2009 - 2011  chief scientific officer, Genentech

Member of Multiple Biotechnology Corporate Boards of Directors, Chairman of One

However, his involvement with the pharmaceutical and biotechnology industries hardly ends there.  He currently is on four biotechnology corporate boards of directors.  These include:

Agios 

For which he received compensation of $374,926 in 2014, according to the 2015 proxy statement.  His holdings in the company were then 130,122 shares.

Juno Therapeutics Inc

For which he received compensation of $30,000 in 2014, according to the 2015 proxy statement.  His holdings in this company were then 175,000 shares Series A2 convertible preferred.

Regeneron Pharmaceutical

For which he received compensation of $1,764,032  in 2014, according to the 2015 proxy statement.  His holdings in this compary were then 34,716 shares.

Pfizer, then Denali Therapeutics

Also, in 2011, he became a member of the board of directors of Pfizer, Inc.  He left in 2015 when he co-founded, and became chairman of the board of a new biotechnology company, Denali Therapeutics.  In 2014, according to the Pfizer 2015 proxy statement, he received compensation of $300,000.  His holdings in the company then were 104 shares of stock, and 24,307 stock units

He remains as chairman of the board of Denali, according to the company website.  Since this company is privately held, I could not find any information about the compensation or holdings of board members.

Discussion

To summarize, the incoming president of Stanford, on of the most prestigious American universities, one of the foremost US sites for biomedical research, and home to an equally prestigious medical school and academic health center, spent most of the last 15 years heavily involved with the pharmaceutical and biotechnology industries.  He was a top Genentech executive for eight of those years, served as a director of the then biggest US pharmaceutical company, and currently is a member of the boards of directors of four biotechnology companies, and is chairman of one of them.  He earned nearly $2.5 million dollars from these directorships in 2014, the last year for which such data is public, and owned hundreds of thousands of shares of stock in these companies.

How he had the time to executive all his fiduciary responsibilities as a director of four health care corporations while being the president of Rockefeller University, and apparently continuing to do his own research boggles the mind.  

However, Stanford's incoming president is a perfect example of how health care is now run by an interlocking group of insiders who have personally profited massively from their situated influence.   

So in whose interests will he act as president of Stanford?  The New York Times cited those who hailed his scientific prowess.

According to Susan K. McConnell, a professor of biology at Stanford, Dr. Tessier-Lavigne was responsible for a 'long list of amazing discoveries' involving identifying molecules that guide the growth of nerve connections in the developing brain.

On the other hand, he had important affiliations with two biotechnology companies that were known for leading the charge for stratospheric drug prices as much as they were known for developing innovative drugs.  By coincidence, or not, he was a top executive for the same company, Genentech, as was Dr Susan Desmond-Hellman, who later became the leader of the University of California - San Francisco.  As we noted here, Dr Desmond-Hellman was a public defender of such pricing, in particular, of the then (2007) stratospheric $55,000 a year price of bevacizumab (Avastin).

Prof Tessier-Lavigne also is currently on the board of Regeneron, which became known for charging $1850 per montly dose of Eylea, a drug for macular degeneration, while paying its board members and executives proportionately large amounts.  As we noted above, Professor Tessier-Lavigne got over $1.75 million in 2014 for his board service, and in 2014, the company's CEO received over $36 million.

In an interview with the NY Times, professor Tessier-Lavigne said,

We do have to ensure access [to Stanford], broadly, both in terms of access for people who are disadvantaged socioeconomically and, of course, diversity

But how easy would it be for a man with his biotechnology corporate connections and the riches they produced for him to step into the shoes of disadvantaged, diverse students (or patients)? 


When asked about his corporate background, he told the NY Times,

that before taking the reins at Stanford in September, he will review all his corporate relationships with the board to determine whether any conflicts of interest exist.

That suggests doubt about the existence of such conflicts. But as we first wrote in 2006,

Medical schools and their academic medical centers and teaching hospitals must deal with all sorts of health care companies, drug and device manufacturers, information technology venders, managed care organizations and health insurers, etc, in the course of fulfilling their patient care, teaching, and research missions. Thus, it seems that service on the board of directors of a such public for-profit health care company would generate a severe conflict for an academic health care leader, because such service entails a fiduciary duty to uphold the interests of the company and its stockholders. Such a duty ought on its face to have a much more important effect on thinking and decision making than receiving a gift, or even being paid for research or consulting services. Furthermore, the financial rewards for service on a company board, which usually include directors' fees and stock options, are comparable to the most highly paid consulting positions. What supports the interests of the company, however, may not always be good for the medical school, academic medical center or teaching hospital.

Last year, Anderson et al documented the prevalence of such board level conflicts of interests, and wrote,(1)

previous guidelines have emphasized the relationships of clinicians and researchers with industry, but institutional conflicts of interest, which arise when administrators, including executive officers, trustees, and clinical leaders have a financial relationship with industry, are increasingly recognized and pose a unique set of risks to academic missions.

If Professor Tessier-Lavigne has doubts whether his current service on four biotechnology boards of directors, as chairman of one of these companies, as former board member of Pfizer, and as former executive of Genentech could create any conflicts of interest, the students, faculty, patients and alumni of Stanford should be very wary of what direction he will take their university.

As we have said again and again, the web of conflicts of interest that is pervasive in medicine and health care is now threatening to strangle medicine and health care.  Furthermore, this web is now strong enough to have effectively transformed US health care into an oligarchy or plutocracy.  Health care is effectively run by a relatively small group of people, mainly professional managers plus a few (lapsed?) health care professionals, who simultaneously run or influence multiple corporations and organizations.

For patients and the public to trust health care professionals and health care organizations, they need to know that these individuals and organizations are putting patients' and the public's health ahead of private gain. Health care professionals who care for patients, those who teach about medicine and health care, clinical researchers, and those who make medical and health care policy should do so free from conflicts of interest that might inhibit their abilities to put patients and the public's health first.

Health care professionals ought to make it their highest priority to ensure that the organizations for which they work, or with which they interact also put patients' and the public's health ahead of private gain, especially the private gain of the organizations' leaders and their cronies.

Reference
1.  Anderson TS, Good CB, Gellad WF.  Prevalence and compensation of academic leaders, professors and trustees on publicly trade US healthcare company boards of directors: cross sectional study.  Brit Med J 2015; 351:h4826.  Link here

Sunday, 3 January 2016

Princess Health and Stealth Public Relations and Health Advocacy, Special Pleadings and the Opposition to Guidelines Discouraging Overuse of Narcotics. Princessiccia

As I have written before as a physician who saw too many dire results of intravenous drug abuse, I was amazed how narcotics were pushed as the treatment of choice for chronic pain in the 1990s, with the result that the US was once again engulfed in an epidemic of narcotic abuse and its effects.  In mid-December, 2015, as reported in the Washington Post,

The nation continues to suffer through a widespread epidemic to prescription opioids and their illegal cousin, heroin. The CDC estimated that 20 percent of patients who complain about acute or chronic pain that is not from cancer are prescribed opioids. Health-care providers wrote 259 million prescriptions for the medications in 2012, 'enough for every adult in the United States to have a bottle of pills,' the CDC wrote.

Last week, the National Center for Health Statistics reported that the number of overdose deaths from legal opioid drugs surged by 16.3 percent in 2014, to 18,893, while overdose fatalities from heroin climbed by 28 percent, to 10,574. Authorities have said that previous efforts to restrict prescription drug abuse have forced some people with addictions to the medications onto heroin, which is cheaper and widely available.

This rising tide of death and morbidity seems to have been fueled by reckless, sometimes deceptive, sometimes illegal marketing by the pharmaceutical companies that produced narcotics other than heroin.

Background - Legal Drug Pushing

As I wrote in 2013,

the realization began to dawn that patients, doctors and society were being victimized by a new type of pusher man, this time dressed in a suit and working for an 'ethical' drug company.  In the earlier days of Health Care Renewal, we first posted (in 2006) about allegations of deceptive and unethical promotion of fentanyl by Cephalon that lead to its overuse by patients beyond those with cancer who were its ostensible target population.  Then in 2007 came the spectacular case of guilty pleas by a subsidiary of Purdue Pharma and several of its executives for 'misbranding' Oxycontin,  that is, promoting it far beyond any medically legitimate use in severe chronic pain.  Following that various investigations, well chronicled in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, showed how pharmaceutical companies employed deceptive marketing techniques, subverting medical education and research, and creating conflicted key opinion leaders and institutionally conflicted disease advocacy groups, to push more 'legal' narcotics  For example, see the Journal Sentinel reports the subversion of :  medical schools and their faculty; .medical societies, disease advocacy groups, and foundations; and guideline writing panels.  In 2012, we posted about how a drug company paid key opinion leader admitted to second thoughts about his role promoting narcotics.

As I described in that 2012 post, the new narcotic pushers relied on only the most sketchy evidence about the safety of prescription narcotics.  In the 1990s, they taught that the rate of addiction caused by prescribing legal narcotics was only 1%, but this was based on a tiny flawed case series of a mere 38 patients.  In 1996, a consensus statement from the American Academy of Pain Medicine and the American Pain Society, entitled "The Use of Opioids for the Treatment of Chronic Pain," included the following statements,

Pain is often managed inadequately, despite the ready availability of safe and effective treatments.

Studies indicate that the de novo development of addiction when opioids are used for the relief of pain is low.

Yet one of the primary proponents of profligate use of narcotics to treat chronic pain later admitted he

erred by overstating the drugs' benefits and glossing over risks. 'Did I teach about pain management, specifically about opioid therapy, in a way that reflects misinformation? Well, against the standards of 2012, I guess I did,' Dr. Portenoy said in an interview with The Wall Street Journal. 'We didn't know then what we know now.'

Also,

'I gave innumerable lectures in the late 1980s and '90s about addiction that weren't true,' Dr. Portenoy said in a 2010 videotaped interview with a fellow doctor. The Journal reviewed the conversation, much of which is previously unpublished.

In it, Dr. Portenoy said it was 'quite scary' to think how the growth in opioid prescribing driven by people like him had contributed to soaring rates of addiction and overdose deaths. 'Clearly, if I had an inkling of what I know now then, I wouldn't have spoken in the way that I spoke. It was clearly the wrong thing to do,' Dr. Portenoy said in the recording.


The CDC Attempts to Moderate the Use of Opioids for Chronic Pain

So to me it seems quite reasonable the US Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), being cognizant of the rising toll of narcotic addiction, would attempt to do something about it.  As reported by the Washington Post,

The government on Monday urged primary-care physicians who prescribe opioids for pain relief to rein in their use of the drugs, proposing new guidelines that call for a more conservative approach than the one that has led to a crippling epidemic of addiction to the powerful narcotics.

Just a few days after a new report showed a surge of drug-related overdoses in 2014, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention suggested in draft recommendations that physicians tackle chronic pain with other methods, such as physical therapy and non-opioid analgesics, before turning to the powerful medications. If opioids, such as OxyContin and Percocet, are necessary, the agency recommended short-acting versions over extended release formulations, the lowest possible dose and short-term prescriptions.

It also suggested that doctors ask patients to take urine tests before prescribing opioids and additional urine tests at least once a year if they continue on the drugs, to ensure that they aren't secretly taking other opioids or illegal drugs.

'What we want to just make sure is that doctors understand that starting a patient on an opiate is a momentous decision,' said CDC director Tom Frieden. 'The risks are addiction and death, and the benefits are unproven.'

Based on the events since they 1990s, the lack of clear data from well performed randomized controlled trials of the effectiveness of opioids in chronic pain, and their obvious, known risks, that seems like common sense to me.

The Strong but Obscure Opposition to the CDC Guidelines

However,others disagreed.  The guidelines attracted immediate opposition, for reasons that were not immediately obvious.  Four days after the Post article, the Associated Press reported that the guidelines were in big trouble,

A bold federal effort to curb prescribing of painkillers may be faltering amid stiff resistance from drugmakers, industry-funded groups and, now, even other public health officials.

Also,

Critics complained the CDC guidelines went too far and had mostly been written behind closed doors. One group threatened to sue. Then earlier this month, officials from the FDA and other health agencies at a meeting of pain experts bashed the guidelines as 'shortsighted,' relying on 'low-quality evidence.' They said they planned to file a formal complaint.

The CDC a week later abandoned its January target date, instead opening the guidelines to public comment for 30 days and additional changes.

Anti-addiction activists worry the delay could scuttle the guidelines entirely.

This, however, did not make much sense.  I repeat, the evidence that narcotics are effective for chronic pain other than that due to terminal cancer is very weak.  The evidence that opioids have multiple side effects, some fatal, and can cause addiction, which has more side effects, and bad societal consequences, is strong.  So the evidence that narcotics have benefits that are worth their harms, both to individuals and society, in this setting is essentially non-existent.  So why did these guidelines go too far?  Why invoke low quality evidence, when the evidence that is low quality is about the benefits of the drugs?  Who should be sued?  Furthermore, why did the CDC cave in so readily to these critics?

The AP noted,

But industry-funded groups like the U.S. Pain Foundation and the American Academy of Pain Management warn that the CDC guidelines could block patient access to medications if adopted by state health systems, insurers and hospitals.

Of course they could reduce access.  The whole point of the guidelines is to reduce access.  But who would want more access to medicines that do more harm than good?

Then there was the issue of just who it was who opposed the guidelines. Much of the opposition seemed to come from rather obscure organizations with authoritative names.  Some of the opposition was chronicled by equally obscure, apparently journalistic organizations. (From now on, I will highlight these mysterious organizations by using bold, italic text in this color.)  For example, according to the Washington Post,

Many of the patient and physician groups opposing the CDC guidelines are part of a larger coalition called the Pain Care Forum, which meets monthly in Washington to strategize on pain issues. Officials from the White House, the FDA, NIH and other agencies have met with the group over the years, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press under the Freedom of Information Act.

The Pain Care Forum presents itself as a leaderless collective that does not take formal positions. But most members receive funding from drugmakers, including OxyContin-maker Purdue, whose chief lobbyist helped found the group and remains at its center.

The mission of the Pain Care Forum, its organizational nature (informal group, membership society, non-profit advocacy group, etc), its leadership, and its sources of funding were not entirely obvious from this article.  But certainly the drift of the article was that the organization maybe represents pharmaceutical manufacturers, particularly the previously discredited Purdue Pharma (see above) more than others.  So why not take what it says with many grains of salt.

But who threatened to sue?  Which FDA officials chimed in, and why, given that the FDA does not have a mission that includes writing guidelines?   That was not clear from the AP story.

My attempts to gain further clarity produced more mystification.  A Medscape article also claimed that the opposition to the CDC guidelines included Dr James Madara, the Executive Vice-President and CEO of the American Medical Association, and "some members of the Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee [who] criticized the process, according to the Pain News Network."  It was not clear whether Dr Madara's viewpoint had broad support in the AMA, which members of the Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee opposed the CDC guidelines, and whether this opposition was personal, or reflected the considered viewpoint of the committee.  Furthermore, that committee's purview does not obviously include clinical guideline development or public health, so why it was commenting on this issue was also unclear.  

The Pain News Network story which apparently was the source used by the Medscape in turn referred to a Politico story, but one which is only available to subscribers.  The Pain News Network also credited a survey by "the Pain News Network and the Power of Pain Foundation."

The Medscape article said nothing more about the Pain News Network.which is not exactly a household word in health care journalism.  The Pain News Network story did not give more detail about the Power of Pain Foundation, whose mission, nature, leadership, funding etc was not obvious.   

The Pain News Network story also quoted the Washington Legal Foundation's chief counsel.

The overly secretive manner in which CDC has been developing the Guideline serves the interests of neither the healthcare community nor consumers.

Similarly, the Washington Post article also credited the Washington Legal Foundation's opposition to the CDC guidelines,

The Washington Legal Foundation, a public interest law firm dedicated to protecting the free enterprise system, accused the CDC of trying to formulate them secretly by failing to make public the work of its original advisory committee, the Core Expert Group. The CDC disputes that accusation, but issued the recommendations in draft form Monday and will have them reviewed by another advisory panel after receiving more comment over the next 30 days, Frieden said.

Yet, neither the Pain News Network nor the Post explained why a group supporting "free enterprise" was so concerned about this issue, or what expertise it might have in this area.  It is ironic that a group that proclaims opposition to secrecy seems less than transparent about its involvement in this issue.

Finally, the nature of the Pain News Network, which claims to be a "non-profit, independent news source," is also obscure.  It appears to be one of those non-profits that has no physical address per its web page of contact information, does not disclose its sources of funding, and if it files US Internal Revenue Service 990 forms, I cannot find them.

The most detailed article I could find about the substance of the complaints about the CDC guidelines was in another obscure source, the Legal News Line.  The article mostly described the concerns of

Peter Pitts, a former associate commissioner of external affairs at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and now president and co-founder of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, can be counted among those critical of how the panel was put together.

Pitts' main issue was that a member of the group that developed the CDC guidelines was biased. He said,

'So you have to have as open of a mind as possible.'

And that�s exactly where the CDC went wrong, Pitts said, pointing to Jane Ballantyne. Ballantyne served as a member of the CDC�s �Core Expert Group,� which played a key role in developing the agency�s opioid guidelines.

Ballantyne, a retired professor of anesthesiology and pain medicine at the University of Washington, is a member of the International Association for the Study of Pain, or IASP, and last year was named president of the Physicians for Responsible Opioid Prescribing, or PROP.

PROP�s mission, according to its website, is to 'reduce opioid-related morbidity and mortality by promoting cautious and responsible prescribing practices.'

'Not only does she have strong opinions, but extra strong opinions -- almost on the lunatic fringe -- on pain medicine issues,' Pitts said.

'For the CDC to say, we�re going to put someone who comes to the discussion with such preconceived notions on such a committee, you have to ask yourself, why? And then why was it hidden from the public?'

The Legal New Line's example of supposed journalism did not apparently ask Pitts what was "lunatic" about wanting to promote cautious and responsible prescribing of opioids.  That seems to me like common clinical sense, the opposite of insanity.  

Also, Pitts complained that beyond this alleged bias, Dr Ballantyne had a conflict of interest,

Pitts noted Ballantyne�s connection to law firm Cohen Milstein Sellers & Toll PLLC -- a plaintiffs law firm that is known for its class action lawsuits and has been hired by a number of state attorneys general in recent years, including some of those to whom it donated.

Ballantyne reportedly disclosed her services as a paid consultant for Cohen Milstein to the CDC. The firm currently is helping to represent the City of Chicago in a lawsuit filed against a group of pharmaceutical companies over the marketing of opioid painkillers.

Note that in the first paragraph above, the writer apparently meant that the law firm donated to the campaigns of the attorney generals.

More importantly, why the apparent conflict of interest affecting a single member of a large group - the core expert group of which Dr Ballantyne sat included 17 people - was so important was not apparent from Mr Pitts' argument.  Mr Pitts did not explain how any sort of advisory group that included experts in the field could avoid people who already had strong opinions about that field.  The Legal News Line article did not discuss Mr Pitts' own background, or provide any information about the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, which he leads.  

I could not find reporting in major news outlets or medical/ health care scholarly publications about the opposition to the CDC guidelines beyond the stories in the Washington Post, AP, and Medscape, and a brief report in Modern Healthcare.  I did find numerous articles on yet another little known website called the National Pain Report, (e.g. see this one).

So to summarize so far, the opposition to the new CDC opioid guidelines was apparently strong enough to delay, if not derail them.  Yet who was in the opposition, their funding, and their interests remains obscure.  The arguments of the opposition remain unclear.  Even some of the purported journalists reporting on the opposition remain mysterious.  There seems to be a tremendous amount of fog surrounding the opposition to more conservative prescribing of narcotics for non-cancerous chronic pain.

The Common Thread - Stealth Health Policy Advocacy


It was striking that much of the opposition seemed to come from rather mysterious organizations, the Pain Care Forum, Power of Pain Foundation, Washington Legal Foundation, and Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.  However, the reporting on these organizations was minimal.  Furthermore, some of the news sources reporting on the opposition to the CDC guidelines also were rather mysterious, such as the Pain News Network, National Pain Report, and Legal News Line.

One recent media article, and some of our previous blogging, though suggest that the opposition organizations all have ties to the pharmaceutical industry, and in several cases, directly to one of the major producers of legal opioids.  On December 23, 2015, Lee Fang wrote in the Intercept by way of an introduction,

The pharmaceutical companies that manufacture and market OxyContin, Vicodin, and other highly addictive opioid painkillers � drugs that have fueled the epidemic of overdoses and heroin addiction � are funding nonprofit groups fighting furiously against efforts to reform how these drugs are prescribed.

In particular,

An investigation by The Intercept has found that the pharmaceutical companies that dominate the $9 billion a year opioid painkiller market have funded organizations attacking reform of the prescribing guidelines:

The Washington Legal Foundation, a nonprofit that litigates to defend 'free-market principles,' threatened the CDC with legal action if the agency moved forward with the proposed opioid guidelines. The WLG claimed the CDC�s advisory panel for the guidelines lacked 'fair ideological balance,' because it included a doctor who is part of an advocacy effort against opioid addiction. The WLF does not disclose donor information, but has filed friend-of-the-court briefs on behalf of Purdue Pharma, the makers of OxyContin. In a recent article with Pain News Network, a spokesperson for Purdue Pharma conceded: 'We�re long-standing supporters of WLF, in addition to several other business and legal organizations. We�ve provided them with unrestricted grants.'

The Pain Care Forum organized opposition to the CDC prescribing guidelines, mobilizing regular meetings among stakeholders opposed to the idea, according to an investigation by AP reporter Matthew Perrone. A recently re-filed complaint by the City of Chicago found that Burt Rosen, the chief in-house lobbyist for Purdue Pharma, controls the Pain Care Forum. A former drug company employee allegedly told investigators that Rosen tells the Pain Care Forum 'what to do and how we do it.' The Pain Care Forum is funded through contributions by Purdue Pharma, as well as major opioid manufacturers Cephalon, Endo, and Janssen, a subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson.

 The Power of Pain Foundation, a group funded by Purdue Pharma, asked supporters to contact the CDC in opposition to the guidelines, claiming that 'taking away pain medication and making providers afraid to prescribe due to your guidelines is only going to make more abusers, increase suicides, and tear apart the lives of millions.'


Fang also noted that the Legal News Line, the source of the story documenting Peter Pitts' problems with the CDC guidelines, also is tied to the pharmaceutical industry:

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a corporate lobbying group that represents opioid manufacturers, including Johnson & Johnson, issued a press release masquerading as a news story [published by the Legal News Line] criticizing the CDC guidelines. (The U.S. Chamber operates a public relations effort dressed up as a bona fide media outlet called Legal Newsline, which it uses to disseminate stories that support the political priorities of its member companies.)

In addition, on Health Care Renewal we have previously discussed the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.  Back in 2008, we noted that when writing for the New York Times, Mr Pitts had to disclose that the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest receives pharmaceutical industry funding, including from Pfizer and the PhRMA.  At that time, Mr Pitts' day job was  Senior Vice President for Global Health Affairs at the big public relations firm Manning, Selvage and Lee. Manning, Selvege and Lee had many big pharmaceutical accounts  Since then, he moved on to become director for global healthcare at Porter Novelli, also a public relations/ communications company with many health care corporate clients, including pharmaceutical companies, and now appears to be a consultant in the life sciences area for YourEncore.  I cannot find any updated information on current Center for Medicine in the Public Interest funding, but there is no reason to think that it is not still funded by the pharmaceutical industry.

Mr Pitts' published objections to the CDC guidelines had to do with the supposed bias and conflicts of interests of a single member of the guideline expert panel, and the alleged lack of transparency of the guideline project.  Yet Mr Pitts was not very transparent about his own background, and his and his organizations' financial interests.  For Mr Pitts to condemn the guideline panel member's conflict while hiding his own conflict amounts to a garish example of the logical fallacy of special pleading.  Similarly, the Washington Legal Foundation's objections to the alleged biases of the guideline panel, given that  foundation is apparently funded by Purdue Pharma, is another garish example of the same logical fallacy.

On the other hand, the Pain News Network and the National Pain Report remain obscure.   The former claims to be a non-profit organization, but I cannot find its federal 990 filing, identify its board of trustees, or even determine its physical address. It does claim an affiliation with the Power of Pain Foundation.  The National Pain Report at least has a physical address, which it shares with the equally obscure American News Report. Other details, like its ownership, remain obscure.  The failure of supposedly journalistic organizations to publicly reveal basic information about their nature and operations does raise suspicions that they are not really so journalistic.

Summary

In summary, the organizations most widely mentioned as opposing the new CDC guidelines that recommend more conservative use of opioids for chronic pain seem to be heavily involved with the pharmaceutical companies that make such opioids.  Thus, the opposition to the guidelines seems to be arising from a stealth public relations campaign leading to stealth health policy advocacy.  Furthermore, at least so far, the objections to the guidelines do not seem clearly based on logic and good evidence from clinical research, again suggesting they are more about financial interests than improving patient outcomes and reducing risks.

Overuse and misuse of opioids, which may lead to all the individual and social consequences of opioid addiction, are clearly major, worsening medical and public health issues.  We need earnest effort to address these problems, which should be informed by a logical, evidence-based discussion of the clinical and social realities.  Such a discussion is only hindered by the growing fog of objections launched by mysterious organizations funded by the companies who have made the most money selling narcotics.  So we also need some societal response to the growing domination of the public debate by marketing and public relations, often based on emotional manipulation, logical fallacies, and outright deception.

We cannot address our worsening health care dysfunction when public discussion and policy making blunders about in the fog of stealth health policy advocacy, stealth lobbying, and stealth marketing.  If the leaders of big health care corporations really believe they are making good products and providing good services that add value and improve patients' and the public's health, they ought to be able to rely on honest and open communications.  If they cannot disavow stealth public relations and stealth marketing, we ought to disavow the companies that practice them.

Not So Cheerful Musical Interlude

Unfortunately, given the topic of this post, here is Lou Reed singing Heroin



ADDENDUM (4 January, 2016) - This post was republished on the Naked Capitalism blog, sadly without Lou Reed. See the interesting comments appended to that version.

Also, this post was republished in its entirety on OpEdNews.