Showing posts with label non-profit organizations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label non-profit organizations. Show all posts

Wednesday, 6 May 2015

Princess Health and Second Order Generic Management: Lobbyist Named CEO of American Hospital Association. Princessiccia

Princess Health and Second Order Generic Management: Lobbyist Named CEO of American Hospital Association. Princessiccia

A long time ago, in a universe far, far away, hospitals had relatively small administrations, usually lead by a older physician or nurse who served as executive director or superintendent.  Leading a hospital was seen as a calling, not a means to become rich.  With the rise of generic management, hospital management grew, and became dominated by generic managers who were trained as managers, not as health care professionals.

So if hospitals are now usually lead by generic managers, it should be no surprise that hospital organizations are lead by generic managers.  So it should be no surprise that the current CEO of the American Hospital Association, Richard J. Umbdenstock, was formerly " executive vice president of Providence Health & Services and president and chief executive officer of the former Providence Services, Spokane, Washington." (Look here.)

What should be a surprise, however, is what was just reported in Modern Healthcare,

The American Hospital Association has chosen Richard Pollack, its longtime lead lobbyist, to succeed Richard Umbdenstock as CEO. Hospital leaders say Pollack is the right pick, even though he never led a hospital or health system.

Pollack, 59, has been with the AHA for more than three decades and has served as the group's executive vice president for advocacy and public policy since 1991. He will take over the top post in September, the AHA announced Monday during its annual meeting in Washington.

Pollack has developed a sterling reputation for pressing the hospital group's agenda on Capitol Hill and beyond. He's played an integral role in top healthcare policy discussions in recent years, including passage of the Affordable Care Act.

Chip Kahn, president of the Federation of American Hospitals, which represents investor-owned hospitals, called Pollack a 'wise Washington hand.'

In addition,

John Rother, president of the nonpartisan National Coalition on Health Care, noted that it's an unusual pick in the sense that Pollack has not overseen a major hospital system. Before joining the AHA, Pollack served as a lobbyist for the American Nurses Association. The Brooklyn native started his professional career in 1977 as a legislative assistant for Rep. David Obey (D-Wis.)


So, the incoming American Hospital Association CEO is not a doctor or a nurse.  He has not had any known direct experience in patient care.  He has no training or experience in public health or biomedical sciences.  Furthermore, he has no direct experience working, even just as a manager, in a hospital or any organization that provides patient care or for the public health.

His entire experience is in Washington, DC, first as a legislative staffer, and then - not to put too fine a point on it - as a lobbyist.

This would make sense if he were going to lead a lobbying firm.  However, the AHA says:

In summer 1995, after regional policy board (RPB) review, the Board of Trustees approved vision and mission statements:

Vision: The AHA vision is of a society of healthy communities, where all individuals reach their highest potential for health.

Mission: To advance the health of individuals and communities. The AHA leads, represents and serves hospitals, health systems and other related organizations that are accountable to the community and committed to health improvement.

So now we have hospitals largely run by generic managers.  Furthermore, hospital associations, whose members are largely represented by generic managers, now may be run by lobbyists, people even more removed from actual health care.  Hence, perhaps too archly, I suggest that Mr Pollack is the first known example of a second order generic manager.

Summary

 In 1988, Alain Enthoven advocated in Theory and Practice of Managed Competition in Health Care Finance, a book published in the Netherlands, that to decrease health care costs it would be necessary to break up the "physicians' guild" and replace leadership by clinicians with leadership by managers (see 2006 post here). Thus from 1983 to 2000, the number of managers working in the US health care system grew 726%, while the number of physicians grew 39%, so the manager/physician ratio went from roughly one to six to one to one (see 2005 post here). As we noted here, the growth continued, so there are now 10 managers for every US physician.

The managers who first took over health care may have had some health care background.  Now it seems that health care managers are decreasingly likely to have any health care background, and increasingly likely to be from the world of finance.  Meanwhile, for a long time, business schools seem to have been teaching managers that they have a God given right to manage every organization and every aspect of society, regardless how little they know about what the particular context, business, calling, etc involves.  Presumably this is based on a faith or ideology that modern management tools are universally applicable and nigh onto supernatural in their powers.  Of course, there is not much evidence to support this, especially in health care.

We have discussed other examples of bizarre proclamations by generic managers and their supporters that seem to corroborate their belief in such divine powers.  Most recently, there was the multimillionaire hospital system CEO who proclaimed new artificial intelligence technology could replace doctors in short order (look here).   Top hospital managers are regularly lauded as "brilliant," or "extraordinary," often in terms of their managerial skills (look here), but at times because of their supposed ownership of all aspects of patient care, e.g., (look here)


They literally are on call 24/7, 365 days a year and they are running an institution where lives are at stake....

As noted above, if the new generic managers work in offices that are physically, intellectually and spiritually distant from the real world of health care, a lobbyist running a hospital association would be at best distant even from the management suite.

It is way past time for health care professionals to take back health care from generic managers.  True health care reform would restore leadership by people who understand the health care context, uphold health professionals' values, are willing to be held accountable, and put patients' and the public's health ahead of self-interest.

Friday, 1 July 2005

Princess Health and The Kelo Case, Pfizer, and Conflicts of Interest. Princessiccia

Princess Health and The Kelo Case, Pfizer, and Conflicts of Interest. Princessiccia

There has been quite a lot published both in main-stream media and on blogs about the Kelo case, so I have hesitated about precipitously commenting on it. However, it turns out that aspects of the case are relevant to Health Care Renewal.
The basics of the case are as follows, as per the Boston Globe. Pfizer built a large research facility in New London, CT. A not-for-profit organization, New London Development Corporation (NLDC), planned to build a "sprawling waterfront complex of private housing, stores, restaurants, and businesses" nearby in the Fort Trumbull area. Some land-owners in the area refused to sell to the NLDC, and so the city claimed their land by eminent domain. The land-owners sued the city, and the action wound up in the US Supreme Court, which decided in favor of the city, by a 5-4 vote.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the majority that the city's "determination that the area was sufficiently distressed to justify a program of economic rejuventation is entitled to our deference. The city has carefully formulated an economic development plan that it believes will provide appreciable benefits to the community, including - but by no means limited to - jobs and increased revenues." This majority opinion is important, because the Fifth Amendment to the US Constitution provides "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." Many had interpreted this provision to mean that eminent domain could only be used to take property for public use, e.g., to build a road or a public school, but not for private purposes, like building up-scale waterfront developments.
In a vigorous dissenting opinion. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote, "any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party, but the fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations and development firms.... The government now has the license to transfer property from those with fewer resources to those with more." Finally, "the specter of condemnation hangs over all property. Nothing is to prevent the state from replacing any Motel 6 with a Ritz-Carlton, any home with a shopping mall, any farm with a factory." Justice Clarence Thomas added, "allowing the government to take property solely for public purposes is bad enough, but extending the concept of public purpose to encompass any economically beneficial goal guarantees that these losses will fall disproportionately on poor communities."
For additional, important aspects of the case, see the report first published in the Wall Street Journal, September 10, 2002, and available on the web here, which details the history of what became the Kelo case. Some important points made in the article:
  • The interaction between Pfizer, the New London Development Corporation, and the city of New London was more complex than more recent reports suggest. The NLDC, which dated back to the 1970's, was taken over by new leaders in 1997. One new board member was George Milne Jr, who also was a Pfizer vice-president. The new board president was Claire Gaudiani, President of Connecticut College, the wife of David Burnett, also a Pfizer vice-president. Milne visited the Fort Trumbull site several times, but claims he recused himself from NLDC board decisions about Fort Trumbull.
  • The plan for Pfizer to build a new research facility adjacent to Fort Trumbull included contributions of $19 million by the state of Connecticut to clean up contamination on the property and a nearby scapyard, and $7 million by the city of New London and the state to lesson odors from a nearby sewage treatment plant.
  • Pfizer bought the land for the research center for only $10, and the city agreed to an 80 year real-estate and property-tax abatement.
  • Pfizer wanted the adjacent Fort Trumbull property made more attractive. In 1999, Milne wrote to the NLDC that improvement of that property "is integral to our corporate facility and to the plan for revitalization of New London to a world-class standard." Clare Gaudiani's husband, David Burnett, stated "Pfizer wants a nice place to operate. We don't want to be surrounded by tenements." (See this op-ed in the Providence Journal.)
  • The plan to re-develop Fort Trumbull came from the NLDC, not the city of New London, per se. Not only did the city council agree to the NLDC development plan for Fort Trumbull, it delegated its power of eminent domain to the NLDC, allowing this supposed private not-for-profit organization to take land from private holders.
  • Attempts by the NLDC to condemn specific properties lead to the lawsuit.
Thus, the organization which attempted to take private property by eminent domain in the Kelo case was not the city of New London, but the NLDC, an ostensibly private not-for-profit organization. This private, not-for-profit used its adopted governmental powers to apparently further the interests of a private, for-profit pharmaceutical company, Pfizer. Furthermore, the NLDC's leadership had severe conflicts of interest, specifically close ties to Pfizer, which could have affected how it used this power. None of these issues have been addressed in recent discussion of the Kelo case.
Presumably, the relationships between a large, for-profit pharmaceutical corporation and not-for-profit and government entities found in the Kelo case lead to what the Supreme Court's dissenting members felt will be a major usurpation of the rights of individuals to favor corporate interests. This case may predict similar relationships that will affect individual's rights in other circumstances, including those more specifically related to health care.
Princess Health and  The Kelo Case, Pfizer, and Conflicts of Interest.Princessiccia

Princess Health and The Kelo Case, Pfizer, and Conflicts of Interest.Princessiccia

There has been quite a lot published both in main-stream media and on blogs about the Kelo case, so I have hesitated about precipitously commenting on it. However, it turns out that aspects of the case are relevant to Health Care Renewal.
The basics of the case are as follows, as per the Boston Globe. Pfizer built a large research facility in New London, CT. A not-for-profit organization, New London Development Corporation (NLDC), planned to build a "sprawling waterfront complex of private housing, stores, restaurants, and businesses" nearby in the Fort Trumbull area. Some land-owners in the area refused to sell to the NLDC, and so the city claimed their land by eminent domain. The land-owners sued the city, and the action wound up in the US Supreme Court, which decided in favor of the city, by a 5-4 vote.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the majority that the city's "determination that the area was sufficiently distressed to justify a program of economic rejuventation is entitled to our deference. The city has carefully formulated an economic development plan that it believes will provide appreciable benefits to the community, including - but by no means limited to - jobs and increased revenues." This majority opinion is important, because the Fifth Amendment to the US Constitution provides "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." Many had interpreted this provision to mean that eminent domain could only be used to take property for public use, e.g., to build a road or a public school, but not for private purposes, like building up-scale waterfront developments.
In a vigorous dissenting opinion. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote, "any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party, but the fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations and development firms.... The government now has the license to transfer property from those with fewer resources to those with more." Finally, "the specter of condemnation hangs over all property. Nothing is to prevent the state from replacing any Motel 6 with a Ritz-Carlton, any home with a shopping mall, any farm with a factory." Justice Clarence Thomas added, "allowing the government to take property solely for public purposes is bad enough, but extending the concept of public purpose to encompass any economically beneficial goal guarantees that these losses will fall disproportionately on poor communities."
For additional, important aspects of the case, see the report first published in the Wall Street Journal, September 10, 2002, and available on the web here, which details the history of what became the Kelo case. Some important points made in the article:
  • The interaction between Pfizer, the New London Development Corporation, and the city of New London was more complex than more recent reports suggest. The NLDC, which dated back to the 1970's, was taken over by new leaders in 1997. One new board member was George Milne Jr, who also was a Pfizer vice-president. The new board president was Claire Gaudiani, President of Connecticut College, the wife of David Burnett, also a Pfizer vice-president. Milne visited the Fort Trumbull site several times, but claims he recused himself from NLDC board decisions about Fort Trumbull.
  • The plan for Pfizer to build a new research facility adjacent to Fort Trumbull included contributions of $19 million by the state of Connecticut to clean up contamination on the property and a nearby scapyard, and $7 million by the city of New London and the state to lesson odors from a nearby sewage treatment plant.
  • Pfizer bought the land for the research center for only $10, and the city agreed to an 80 year real-estate and property-tax abatement.
  • Pfizer wanted the adjacent Fort Trumbull property made more attractive. In 1999, Milne wrote to the NLDC that improvement of that property "is integral to our corporate facility and to the plan for revitalization of New London to a world-class standard." Clare Gaudiani's husband, David Burnett, stated "Pfizer wants a nice place to operate. We don't want to be surrounded by tenements." (See this op-ed in the Providence Journal.)
  • The plan to re-develop Fort Trumbull came from the NLDC, not the city of New London, per se. Not only did the city council agree to the NLDC development plan for Fort Trumbull, it delegated its power of eminent domain to the NLDC, allowing this supposed private not-for-profit organization to take land from private holders.
  • Attempts by the NLDC to condemn specific properties lead to the lawsuit.
Thus, the organization which attempted to take private property by eminent domain in the Kelo case was not the city of New London, but the NLDC, an ostensibly private not-for-profit organization. This private, not-for-profit used its adopted governmental powers to apparently further the interests of a private, for-profit pharmaceutical company, Pfizer. Furthermore, the NLDC's leadership had severe conflicts of interest, specifically close ties to Pfizer, which could have affected how it used this power. None of these issues have been addressed in recent discussion of the Kelo case.
Presumably, the relationships between a large, for-profit pharmaceutical corporation and not-for-profit and government entities found in the Kelo case lead to what the Supreme Court's dissenting members felt will be a major usurpation of the rights of individuals to favor corporate interests. This case may predict similar relationships that will affect individual's rights in other circumstances, including those more specifically related to health care.

Thursday, 16 June 2005

Princess Health and Dispute at the American Society of Hypertension Over Industry Involvement. Princessiccia

Princess Health and Dispute at the American Society of Hypertension Over Industry Involvement. Princessiccia

The Boston Globe reported that a dispute has broken out at the American Society of Hypertension over the influence of pharmaceutical companies and conflicts of interest. Things have gotten pretty messy, so it's not easy for an outsider to tell what are at its roots.
There are two factions, one who "expresses wariness about industry participation and a newer faction that embraces it," according to the Globe.
In the first faction is Dr. John H. Laragh, a society cofounder and editor of the American Journal of Hypertension. In an email to the Society's membership, he charged that "the lines separating marketing from education have been fractured." Prof. Curt Furberg, former member of the Society's executive council, agreed that "the society is seen as a marketing tool by industry. There is a lot of money to go around."
Furthermore, Laragh said that industry involvement has increased at the society's annual meeting. This year, industry-sponsored sessions, instead of being isolated as "satellites," were "intertwined with the rest of the program." He noted that one society member, who also is a founding partner of a company that administers clinical trials under contract with the pharmaceutical industry, chaired a meeting to discuss the results of a trial that his company administered.
In the second faction is the President of the Society, Dr. Thomas Giles. He said that industry involvement is "part of a 'partnership' between physicians, corporations, and government and can be managed with appropriate disclosure rules, " according to the Globe. He noted that unrestricted educational grants from pharmaceutical companies, notably Novartis, AstraZeneca, and Pfizer, financed about $1.5 million of the Society's $4.4 million budget. He said, "we will not put ourselves in the position where were [sic] are going to function as the marketing arm for anyone."
Laragh has also acquired "enemies," who questioned his editorial salary ($229,000 in 2003), and whether he "engineered" his wife's new position as President-Elect of the Society.
Not a pretty picture, but I guess that more open discussion about the role of industry in scientific and clinical societies may do some good.
Princess Health and  Dispute at the American Society of Hypertension Over Industry Involvement.Princessiccia

Princess Health and Dispute at the American Society of Hypertension Over Industry Involvement.Princessiccia

The Boston Globe reported that a dispute has broken out at the American Society of Hypertension over the influence of pharmaceutical companies and conflicts of interest. Things have gotten pretty messy, so it's not easy for an outsider to tell what are at its roots.
There are two factions, one who "expresses wariness about industry participation and a newer faction that embraces it," according to the Globe.
In the first faction is Dr. John H. Laragh, a society cofounder and editor of the American Journal of Hypertension. In an email to the Society's membership, he charged that "the lines separating marketing from education have been fractured." Prof. Curt Furberg, former member of the Society's executive council, agreed that "the society is seen as a marketing tool by industry. There is a lot of money to go around."
Furthermore, Laragh said that industry involvement has increased at the society's annual meeting. This year, industry-sponsored sessions, instead of being isolated as "satellites," were "intertwined with the rest of the program." He noted that one society member, who also is a founding partner of a company that administers clinical trials under contract with the pharmaceutical industry, chaired a meeting to discuss the results of a trial that his company administered.
In the second faction is the President of the Society, Dr. Thomas Giles. He said that industry involvement is "part of a 'partnership' between physicians, corporations, and government and can be managed with appropriate disclosure rules, " according to the Globe. He noted that unrestricted educational grants from pharmaceutical companies, notably Novartis, AstraZeneca, and Pfizer, financed about $1.5 million of the Society's $4.4 million budget. He said, "we will not put ourselves in the position where were [sic] are going to function as the marketing arm for anyone."
Laragh has also acquired "enemies," who questioned his editorial salary ($229,000 in 2003), and whether he "engineered" his wife's new position as President-Elect of the Society.
Not a pretty picture, but I guess that more open discussion about the role of industry in scientific and clinical societies may do some good.

Wednesday, 15 June 2005

Princess Health and A Not-For-Profit Hospital Sues a Former Donor. Princessiccia

Princess Health and A Not-For-Profit Hospital Sues a Former Donor. Princessiccia

The Boston Globe reported that the not-for-profit Massachusetts Eye & Ear Infirmary has sued a foundation for failure to deliver a pledged contribution. However, the pledge was apparently made to support a specific research program run by a doctor who has left the hospital, taking his research program with him. The Casey Foundation, run by Washington philanthropist Betty Brown Casey, had been funding work done by Dr. Steven Zeitels. After Zeitels and four other members of his team moved to Massachusetts General Hospital, the foundation asked Massachusetts Eye & Ear Infirmary to return any funds remaining in the grant. The hospital responded by suing the foundation for about half of the $2 million grant which it had not yet received, saying that the money was meant for the institution, not any particular researcher. Zeitels, however, said that the foundation had not meant to provide general funding for the hospital, but "was funding a specific program with unique investigators that was delineated both in the original proposal ... as well as scientific reports."
Suing a former donor seems to be a heavy-handed approach for a not-for-profit institution that presumably wants to receive money from other donors in the future. But it fits in with current US congressional concerns that some not-for-profit hospitals act more like for-profit corporations. (See our previous post here.)
Princess Health and  A Not-For-Profit Hospital Sues a Former Donor.Princessiccia

Princess Health and A Not-For-Profit Hospital Sues a Former Donor.Princessiccia

The Boston Globe reported that the not-for-profit Massachusetts Eye & Ear Infirmary has sued a foundation for failure to deliver a pledged contribution. However, the pledge was apparently made to support a specific research program run by a doctor who has left the hospital, taking his research program with him. The Casey Foundation, run by Washington philanthropist Betty Brown Casey, had been funding work done by Dr. Steven Zeitels. After Zeitels and four other members of his team moved to Massachusetts General Hospital, the foundation asked Massachusetts Eye & Ear Infirmary to return any funds remaining in the grant. The hospital responded by suing the foundation for about half of the $2 million grant which it had not yet received, saying that the money was meant for the institution, not any particular researcher. Zeitels, however, said that the foundation had not meant to provide general funding for the hospital, but "was funding a specific program with unique investigators that was delineated both in the original proposal ... as well as scientific reports."
Suing a former donor seems to be a heavy-handed approach for a not-for-profit institution that presumably wants to receive money from other donors in the future. But it fits in with current US congressional concerns that some not-for-profit hospitals act more like for-profit corporations. (See our previous post here.)

Wednesday, 1 June 2005

Princess Health and More Fall-Out From Start of Congressional Hearings on Not-For-Profit Hospitals. Princessiccia

Princess Health and More Fall-Out From Start of Congressional Hearings on Not-For-Profit Hospitals. Princessiccia

The beginning congressional investigations of not-for-profit hospitals' tax exemptions are raising interest in the business practices of these institutions.
A New York Sun editorial and related news article reported that some of the questions put to the small sample of hospitals being investigated were about compensation perks given to top executives, including country club memberships: and about offshore investments and relationships with for-profit entities. The editorial provided some more information about the generous compensation given to hospital executives: four New York-Presbyterian executives (three of whom are physicians) got more than $1 million in total compensation in 2003, and several others got nearly that much. The hospital also had 3 surgeons who earned more than $1 million.
Newspapers in other states have been prompted to look into the operations of local hospitals named in the investigation. The Cleveland Plain Dealer reported data about high "list prices" charged by the Cleveland Clinic. The San Francisco examiner reported complaints about the dominance of local health care markets by Sutter Health, and allegations about the system's inflated prices and poor quality.
There thus seems to be a growing awareness that some large not-for-profit hospitals have not always been managed in ways compatible with their missions. Again, I hope that these investigations can distinguish between the importance of these institutions' underlying missions and how some current leaders may have veered from their responsibilities to uphold them. Furthermore, I hope the committees' recognize that the hospitals operate within a larger health care system, and are subject to pressures from other large organizations within the system that also have been acting at odds with physicians' core values. Although these pressures should not excuse hospital leaders' failure to uphold their missions, the hospitals (and physicians) must develop defenses against them.
The New York Sun editorial concluded, "the Congress - and the taxpayers footing the bills for the subsidy [effectively provided by not-for-profit status] - are entitled to ask and to rethink the question of whom these institutions exist to serve." Furthermore, "Senator Grassley and Frist and Chairman Thomas of the House Ways and Means Committee will have to be careful not to wreck the crown jewel of the American health-care system. But it's not only Congress that could cripple America's hospitals with clumsy or heavy-handed oversight. The doctors, administrators, and hospital trustees themselves could ruin things by forgetting that, through Medicare, Medicaid, and tax exemptions, the American taxpayers are the ones who are paying."
Princess Health and  More Fall-Out From Start of Congressional Hearings on Not-For-Profit Hospitals.Princessiccia

Princess Health and More Fall-Out From Start of Congressional Hearings on Not-For-Profit Hospitals.Princessiccia

The beginning congressional investigations of not-for-profit hospitals' tax exemptions are raising interest in the business practices of these institutions.
A New York Sun editorial and related news article reported that some of the questions put to the small sample of hospitals being investigated were about compensation perks given to top executives, including country club memberships: and about offshore investments and relationships with for-profit entities. The editorial provided some more information about the generous compensation given to hospital executives: four New York-Presbyterian executives (three of whom are physicians) got more than $1 million in total compensation in 2003, and several others got nearly that much. The hospital also had 3 surgeons who earned more than $1 million.
Newspapers in other states have been prompted to look into the operations of local hospitals named in the investigation. The Cleveland Plain Dealer reported data about high "list prices" charged by the Cleveland Clinic. The San Francisco examiner reported complaints about the dominance of local health care markets by Sutter Health, and allegations about the system's inflated prices and poor quality.
There thus seems to be a growing awareness that some large not-for-profit hospitals have not always been managed in ways compatible with their missions. Again, I hope that these investigations can distinguish between the importance of these institutions' underlying missions and how some current leaders may have veered from their responsibilities to uphold them. Furthermore, I hope the committees' recognize that the hospitals operate within a larger health care system, and are subject to pressures from other large organizations within the system that also have been acting at odds with physicians' core values. Although these pressures should not excuse hospital leaders' failure to uphold their missions, the hospitals (and physicians) must develop defenses against them.
The New York Sun editorial concluded, "the Congress - and the taxpayers footing the bills for the subsidy [effectively provided by not-for-profit status] - are entitled to ask and to rethink the question of whom these institutions exist to serve." Furthermore, "Senator Grassley and Frist and Chairman Thomas of the House Ways and Means Committee will have to be careful not to wreck the crown jewel of the American health-care system. But it's not only Congress that could cripple America's hospitals with clumsy or heavy-handed oversight. The doctors, administrators, and hospital trustees themselves could ruin things by forgetting that, through Medicare, Medicaid, and tax exemptions, the American taxpayers are the ones who are paying."

Friday, 27 May 2005

Princess Health and Should US Not-For-Profit Hospitals Lose Their Privileged Status?. Princessiccia

Princess Health and Should US Not-For-Profit Hospitals Lose Their Privileged Status?. Princessiccia

The Baltimore Sun reports that both the US House of Representatives Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee are opening enquiries about whether US not-for-profit hospitals should keep their tax exemptions.
Rep. Bill Thomas (R-California) said, "We really can't tell the difference, all that much, between a for-profit and a not-for-profit. What is the taxpayer getting in return for the tens of billions of dollars per year in tax subsidy?" Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) said "It's also my job to make sure charities are earning their generous tax breaks. Tax-exempt status is a privilege."
Mark Everson, Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, testified "We at the IRS are now faced with a health care industry in which it is increasingly difficult to differentiate for-profit from nonprofit health care providers." The article further explained, "IRS reviews have turned up questions about excessive executive compensation, complex ventures with profitable companies, employment taxes and operations benefiting a private, not public good."
I am not surprised that politicians are beginning to question why supposedly "not-for-profit" hospitals should keep their privileged status. Since I first did the interviews that resulted in my European Journal of Internal Medicine article on health care dysfunction, I have heard about case after case about questionable leadership of large health care organizations, including many that involved not-for-profit hospitals. Just this month, for example, Health Care Renewal postings have included cases of :
  • exaggerated and possibly misleading advertising (here and here);
  • charging inflated "list prices," since managed care organizations think they are getting a bargain when they apply fixed discounts to whatever the hospitals want to charge, even if poor, uninsured patients are then charged full "list prices" (see here, here, and here); and
  • miscellaneous fraud involving Medicaid billing (here), and construction kickbacks (here)
all involving not-for-profit hospitals.
Of course, ending all not-for-profit hospitals' tax exemption would be an exceedingly blunt way to address these problems. I have no doubt that there are many competently and honestly lead hospitals, whose leaders make real efforts to fulfill their missions, and to add real value to their communities. They do not deserve to lose their tax exemptions. However, they risk being thrown in the same bucket with their "bad apple" brethren. Up to now, hospital leaders as a group have not made readily apparent attempts to police their own ranks.
Thus, we need some better watchdog and/or regulatory mechanisms to address ill-informed, conflicted, and corrupt leadership of not-for-profit hospitals, (and of other health care organizations). Perhaps hospital leaders will develop develop a self-policing mechanism. Perhaps these mechanisms could be set up by physicians and other health care professionals, or as part of government regulatory agencies. However, not having these mechanisms means that continuing abuses will tempt politicians to employ indiscriminate, shot-gun approaches which will harm the good apples along with the bad.
Princess Health and  Should US Not-For-Profit Hospitals Lose Their Privileged Status?.Princessiccia

Princess Health and Should US Not-For-Profit Hospitals Lose Their Privileged Status?.Princessiccia

The Baltimore Sun reports that both the US House of Representatives Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee are opening enquiries about whether US not-for-profit hospitals should keep their tax exemptions.
Rep. Bill Thomas (R-California) said, "We really can't tell the difference, all that much, between a for-profit and a not-for-profit. What is the taxpayer getting in return for the tens of billions of dollars per year in tax subsidy?" Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) said "It's also my job to make sure charities are earning their generous tax breaks. Tax-exempt status is a privilege."
Mark Everson, Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, testified "We at the IRS are now faced with a health care industry in which it is increasingly difficult to differentiate for-profit from nonprofit health care providers." The article further explained, "IRS reviews have turned up questions about excessive executive compensation, complex ventures with profitable companies, employment taxes and operations benefiting a private, not public good."
I am not surprised that politicians are beginning to question why supposedly "not-for-profit" hospitals should keep their privileged status. Since I first did the interviews that resulted in my European Journal of Internal Medicine article on health care dysfunction, I have heard about case after case about questionable leadership of large health care organizations, including many that involved not-for-profit hospitals. Just this month, for example, Health Care Renewal postings have included cases of :
  • exaggerated and possibly misleading advertising (here and here);
  • charging inflated "list prices," since managed care organizations think they are getting a bargain when they apply fixed discounts to whatever the hospitals want to charge, even if poor, uninsured patients are then charged full "list prices" (see here, here, and here); and
  • miscellaneous fraud involving Medicaid billing (here), and construction kickbacks (here)
all involving not-for-profit hospitals.
Of course, ending all not-for-profit hospitals' tax exemption would be an exceedingly blunt way to address these problems. I have no doubt that there are many competently and honestly lead hospitals, whose leaders make real efforts to fulfill their missions, and to add real value to their communities. They do not deserve to lose their tax exemptions. However, they risk being thrown in the same bucket with their "bad apple" brethren. Up to now, hospital leaders as a group have not made readily apparent attempts to police their own ranks.
Thus, we need some better watchdog and/or regulatory mechanisms to address ill-informed, conflicted, and corrupt leadership of not-for-profit hospitals, (and of other health care organizations). Perhaps hospital leaders will develop develop a self-policing mechanism. Perhaps these mechanisms could be set up by physicians and other health care professionals, or as part of government regulatory agencies. However, not having these mechanisms means that continuing abuses will tempt politicians to employ indiscriminate, shot-gun approaches which will harm the good apples along with the bad.